February 25, 1863, The Charleston Mercury

Supposing that we are able to hold our own in Mississippi, Tennessee and South Carolina, there may come, in May, proffers of peace. Here will be our greatest danger. We never feared the issue of the war. Indeed, originally, we did not think that it would take place. The inability of the Northern to subjugate the Confederate States, appeared to us so clear that we did not think the Northern States would attempt it. In this, however, as in some other matters, we gave the Northern people credit for more than they possessed. In our opinion too, as expressed freely and frankly at the time, the policy of temporising, apparent timidity and procrastination, from December, 1860, for over a year, encouraged if it did not inspire the idea of conquering the South in the minds of the Northern people. They have attempted it, and now there is not a man, we presume, in the United States who does not see and deplore the ignorance and folly which induced the mad enterprise of subjugating the Confederate States. Their intense greed and ambition blinded their perceptions, and has dragged down upon them hideous ruin, and suffering yet to come, incalculable. Failing to subject us by force, they will now attempt to circumvent us by diplomacy. They will, most probably, first propose that we should return to a union with them under the Constitution of the United States, with such guarantees as we shall desire. Their second proposition will be, to come into a union with us under our Constitution. These propositions, we have no doubt, will fail. There will come two other propositions far more dangerous in their character: first, that we should enter into a commercial union with them, by which all the commercial privileges they have heretofore enjoyed, and by which we have been practically their dependencies, shall be restored to them; and second, this failing, to admit portions of the Free States into our Confederacy. These are the two propositions which we will have to meet, in our opinion, more dangerous to our real independence and peace than the war itself.

Commercial reconstruction differs from the admission of Free States into the Confederacy, most essentially in the mode of bringing it about. The admission of Free States into our Confederacy can only be accomplished vote of two-thirds of the whole House of Representatives in the Congress of the Confederate States, and two-thirds of the Senate, the Senate voting by States. But commercial reconstruction may be established by treaty, which is made by the President and [continue reading…]

February 25, 1863, The New York Herald

The long pent up enthusiasm of our sleighing population has found ample vent during the past two days. Before the snow storm people began to believe that winter had neglected us this year. The seasons seemed to sympathize with the distracted condition of the country, and were dreadfully confused, so that we had bits of summer weather in December, and February came in smiling like spring. The beautiful snow has made all this right, however, and for two days we have had a semi-carnival on runners. The streets, avenues and Central Park have been crowded with elegant sleighs of all sorts, patterns and descriptions, and both old and young New York have been as jolly under the fur robes and behind the jingling bells as was proper during such excellent sleighing. On Monday evening, when the fireworks blazed in the parks in honor of Washington – whose patriotism all eulogize and few imitate – the scene was one of fairy land. The gorgeously varied hues of the pyrotechnics were brilliantly reflected from the dazzling surface of the snow – the clear, cold air was filled with balls of vari-colored fire eclipsing the stars – the skyrockets marked their fiery paths upon the dark blue sky – the tinkling and jangling of thousands of sleigh bells made most merry music, with which the voices of the gay carnivalists mingled sweetly and cheerily – sleigh after sleigh dashed past in quick succession, or paused, with half affrighted horses, among the crowds at Union square – and no stranger, visiting this metropolis for the first time, could have been induced to believe that all this splendid merriment and costly display was during the most momentous crisis of the most desperate civil war which ever troubled the world. Such is life, and such are the Americans.

February 25, 1863, The New York Herald

The most important news from the Southwest today is the reported capture of the Union ram Queen of the West, whose gallant exploits in running the blockade at Vicksburg are already known to our readers. She is said to have been captured under Fort Taylor, at Gordon’s Landing, on the Red river – the pilot, who was taken off the rebel steamer Eva, having treacherously ran her within range of the guns while asserting that the fort was fifteen miles away. Her steam pipe was knocked off, and she was otherwise so disabled that she drifted to the opposite shore, and all of the crew except thirteen escaped. The boat and the rest of the hands fell into the power of the rebels. The rebel official reports and the comments of the Southern journals upon the affair are published in another column.

Reports from Louisville yesterday described the invasion of Kentucky by the rebels as being of a very extensive and alarming character. They were said to be threatening Lexington, Frankfort, Danville and even Louisville itself. Gen. Longstreet was reported to be in command. These rumors, however, are denied by some of the Louisville journals. No facts concerning them have reached the headquarters of the Union army, and the latest despatches pronounce them absolutely false.

The rebel papers are compelled to admit that the story of breaking the blockade at Charleston was a gross exaggeration. The Weekly Enquirer, of Richmond, for example, says that […..] Southern confederacy has lately been made the dupe of a notable imposition. It was said, printed, echoed and reverberated over the land that on a certain night our two iron-clad vessels at Charleston had sunk two, disabled one and disposed of the rest of the blockading squadron off Charleston harbor. Now we learn with pain and certainty that no ship was sunk, none disabled and no damage, in short, was done to the blockading squadron, which, consisting of wooden ships only, avoided a fight with our iron-clads, and most judiciously, until they brought up iron-clads of their own, which they immediately did.”

The story which reaches us from Europe relative to the presence of a rebel privateer scouring the waters of the Indian Ocean is manifestly a canard. It resolves itself into the simple fact, as related by the Calcutta Englishman, that the bark Selim, Captain Simpson, inward bound from Melbourne, saw off Keeling’s Island, near the Straits of Sunda, to the southward of the equinoctial line, a large black man-of-war steamer lying to under three topsails, jib and spanker (no steam up, but funnel shut up as a telescope). When she sighted the Selim she bore away for her under all canvas, and when sufficiently near to make out the English flag rounded to again under small canvas, and showed what the captain of the Selim says has been described to him as, and which he had no doubt of being, the Confederate flag. This is about the entire story.

Feb. 25th, 1863.—A long gap in my journal, because H. has been ill unto death with typhoid fever. I nearly broke down from loss of sleep, there being no one to relieve me. It was terrible to be alone at night with a patient in delirium, and no one within call. To wake Martha was simply impossible. I got the best doctor here, but when convalescence began the question of food was a trial. I got with great difficulty two chickens. The doctor made the drug-store sell two of their six bottles of port; he said his patient’s life depended on it. An egg is a rare and precious thing. Meanwhile the Federal fleet has been gathering, has anchored at the bend, and shells are thrown in at intervals.

Note: To protect Mrs. Miller’s job as a teacher in post-civil war New Orleans, her diary was published anonymously, edited by G. W. Cable, names were changed and initials were generally used instead of full names—and even the initials differed from the real person’s initials. (Read Dora Richards Miller’s biographical sketch.)

Tuesday [February] 24th.

Meeting Miriam by mere accident on the road last evening and hearing of our surprising journey to Georgia, Mr. Halsey came to spend a last evening with us, and say good-bye. What a deluge of regrets, hopes, fears, etc. Perfectly overwhelming. Why had I not told him of it the night before? All our friends would be so disappointed at not having an opportunity of saying good-bye. If the Yankees would only postpone their attack so he might accompany us! But no matter; he would come on in two months, and meet us there. And would we not write to him?

Thank you! Miriam may, but I shall hardly do so! We had such a pleasant evening together, talking over our trip. Then we had a dozen songs on the guitar, gay, sad, and sentimental; then he gave me a sprig of jessamine as a keepsake, and I ripped open my celebrated “running-bag” to get a real for true silver five cents – a perfect curiosity in these days – which I gave him in exchange, and which he promised to wear on his watch-chain. He and Miriam amused themselves examining the contents of my sack and laughing at my treasures, the wretches! Then came – good-bye. I think he was sorry to see us go. Well! he ought to miss us! Ah! these farewells! To-day I bid adieu to Linwood. “It may be for years, and it may be forever!” This good-bye will cost me a sigh.

24th. The mail brought me three letters, one from Lucy, one from home and one from Fannie. All good and cheering. How much I prize my letters. Back and forth to Post Commissary. In the evening beat Capt. N. two games of chess. Read some. Finished 4th Vol. Thede looks well in “sojer” clothes.

Tuesday, 24th–There was quite a fire today in the town of Lake Providence, burning several vacant houses. In the excitement our men found two rebel flags. The Eleventh and Thirteenth Iowa received orders to embark with three days’ rations, and taking passage on the “Marie Deming” left for Greenville, about sixty-five miles up the river, to reinforce the brigade there.

Tuesday Feb. 24^th 1863

Pleasant overhead and snow and water under foot and freezing tonight. Went down to Addi^s Photograph Gallery this morning and sat for my picture. Julia insists upon having my Photograph in her Album. Capt Henry Androus of 17^th Mich called on me today. He is a fine looking officer, has been in five or six Battles and not been wounded. He has been home and is now on his way to join his Reg’^t in “front.” Called at Maj Williams this evening. Mrs W. is getting much better and is now up all day. Was in to Willards an hour talking with friends. Just before nine, I called at Doct Munsons from whence I did not make my escape till eleven. They had a room full of Company as usual. The three Albany ladies are still there, had a long conversation with Mrs Pruyn discussing Morals and Religion. We agreed in the main, especialy upon the point, that Society is responsible for the Morals of the Community, and that it is Society, the public, that is to blame and guilty of most of the crimes Committed, at least partakers of the guilt. I wrote to Wife today, sent Julia two more Photographs, Gen^l Havelocks and Henry Androus. I think her Album must be full by this time. I have tonight written a letter to Sis Northam in answer to hers of yesterday.

FEBRUARY 24th.—Gen. Longstreet is now in command of Gen. Smith’s late department, besides his own corps. Richmond is safe.

Our papers contain a most astonishing speech purporting to have been delivered by Mr. Conway, in the United States Congress.

Mr. C. is from Kansas, that hot-bed of Abolitionism. He is an avowed Abolitionist; and yet he advocates an immediate suspension of hostilities, or at least that the Federal armies and fleets be ordered to act on the defensive; that the independence of the Confederate States be recognized, upon the basis of a similar tariff; free-trade between the North and South; free navigation of the Mississippi, and co-operation in the maintenance of the Monroe doctrine. I like the indications apparent in this speech. Let us have a suspension of hostilities, and then we can have leisure to think of the rest. No doubt the peace party is growing rapidly in the United States; and it may be possible that the Republicans mean to beat the Democrats in the race, by going beyond them on the Southern question. The Democrats are for peace and Union; the Republicans may resolve to advocate not only peace, but secession.

February 24, 1863, The New York Herald

As we announced a few days ago, the mortar boats of the expedition against Vicksburg were towed into position on the 18th inst.; and we now learn by despatches from Memphis that they opened fire upon the city on that day, which was answered by the rebel batteries, three in number. The position of the gunboats was found to be too much exposed to the fire of the enemy, and they accordingly withdrew to a safer place, from which they renewed the bombardment. The result of this initiatory attack upon Vicksburg is not reported; but the fact that it has fairly commenced prepares us for news of a lively time around the great rebel stronghold in the Southwest.

General Hooker visited Washington yesterday. There is no news from his army on the Rappahannock later than that already published. The snow storm there was very heavy, and will keep the roads in an impassable condition for many days to come.

From the West we do not receive any intelligence further than the movements of our gunboats at Vicksburg above referred to. The army of General Rosecrans appears to be taking no decisive action for the past few days.

Our news from the South today indicates that the rebels are inclined to stake their last chance upon the approaching attack upon Charleston, which they declare to be impregnable. The blow that is about to fall, says The Charleston Mercury, “may be the last we shall receive in the struggle for our independence, but it will be dealt with the strength of despair. The foe comes with the avowed purpose to sack our homes and plough our streets with his round shot; and, should his power prove equal to his malice, that will be no empty threat. We are ready for the ordeal.” They threaten us with their matchless little squadron of iron clads, which are about to obtain the long desired opportunity of encountering the “Yankee” vessels. The Southern journals also anticipate an immediate assault by our forces upon Savannah and Vicksburg, and they talk very confidently, of course, about the capacity of the rebels to defend them.

The Richmond Examiner says that the greater portions of General Hooker’s army, 25,000 in number, are now in Fortress Monroe, Suffolk and Newport News. The policy of Louis Napoleon is treated by the same journal with distrust [continue reading…]

February 24, 1863, The Charleston Mercury

A very few months – perhaps weeks – will settle the question of a continued war or peace. Our cause is stronger than it ever was with the nations of Europe, and the pressure of their sufferings and interests upon their Governments is greater. All around, the elements of peace seem to be gathering strength. Internally and externally, the United States Government appears to be falling into imbecility and contempt. By May three hundred thousand of their army have a right to be disbanded by the terms of their enlistment; and the desperate expedient of arming the slaves of the Confederate States. As an acknowledgment of weakness, and as a policy of strength, this expedient will prove to be highly advantageous to peace and to the Confederate States, It will raise up and energize the party for peace in the United States, who see that it must be arrested, or all hopes of reconstruction, which they are aiming to accomplish, must fail; whilst it will increase the hate and desperation of the Confederate States. If we can hold our own at Vicksburg, Charleston and Tullahoma, for the next three months, it appears to us there must be peace.

At Vicksburg there appears to be a force adequate to the defence. Of Charleston we will not speak. But for our army at Murfreesboro’, […..] we are to enforce the Conscription Law in the Western States has left our armies in that section of the Confederacy in great danger from insufficient numbers. The demoralization of the armies of our enemies, and their consequent laggardism, may yet give us time to raise sufficient troops; but there cannot be a doubt of the danger we incur from this cause. On our own coast, if no effort is made to take Charleston or Savannah in ten day’s time, we doubt if any effort will be made at all.

All the conflicts on our coast hitherto have proved our preparation, and the skill and courage of our troops. The troops which fought the battles of Secessionville and Pocotaligo, and who took Fort Sumter, are on the ground they have rendered illustrious. Other forces are with them, as eager as they to meet another effort to conquer South Carolina, or to take the City of Charleston. Nothing but the most assured conviction of their success will ever tempt the Yankee army to come off of our islands, and give us an opportunity to meet them in open field on the main land. They will not now fight as they did formerly. They have armed a portion of our slaves to destroy us; and however weak and futile this expedient of [continue reading…]

Monday, February 23d.

Here goes! News has been received that the Yankees are already packed, ready to march against us at any hour. If I was up and well, how my heart would swell with exultation. As it is, it throbs so with excitement that I can scarcely lie still. Hope amounts almost to presumption at Port Hudson. They are confident that our fifteen thousand can repulse twice the number. Great God! – I say it with all reverence – if we could defeat them! If we could scatter, capture, annihilate them! My heart beats but one prayer – Victory! I shall grow wild repeating it. In the mean time, though, Linwood is in danger. This dear place, my second home; its loved inhabitants; think of their being in such peril! Oh, I shall cry heartily if harm comes to them! But I must leave before. No use of leaving my bones for the Yankees to pick; better sing “Dixie” in Georgia.

To-morrow, consequently, I go to that earthly paradise, Clinton, thence to be re-shipped (so goes the present programme) to Augusta in three days. And no time for adieux! Wonder who will be surprised, who vexed, and who will cry over the unforeseen separation? Not a single “good-bye”! Nothing – except an old brass button that Mr. Halsey gave me as a souvenir in case he should be killed in the coming assault. It is too bad. Ah! Destiny! Destiny! Where do you take us? During these two trying years, I have learned to feel myself a mere puppet in the hands of a Something that takes me here to-day, to-morrow there, always unexpectedly, and generally very unwillingly, but at last leads me somewhere or other, right side up with care, after a thousand troubles and distresses. The hand of Destiny is on me now; where will it lead me?

23rd. Cleared off pleasantly. Busy in morning getting memorandum receipts of the stores for the month. Afternoon rode to town and beat Melissa at a game of chess. F. gone. Had a good time. Spent the evening. M. and N. went to theatre to hear Macbeth.

Monday, 23d–General Logan’s division arrived today, accompanied by the Seventeenth Engineers’ Corps with pontoon bridges.

They bring the news that our men are still throwing shells into Vicksburg, and that the rebels are vacating the place. Our quartermaster went out into the country with the teams and brought in nineteen loads of cotton.

Washington Monday Feb 23^rd 1863

A cold winters day, but thawing in the sun. Some faint attempts at sleighing in the streets and some jingling of bells which sounds like old times. The like has not been heard here for the past two or three years. But the snow will all be gone in a day or two and then it will be mud. The dearth of news still continues. Nothing from the armies today. Gen^l Hooker is in town tonight perhaps concocting some scheme to bring the rebels to grief. I think the weather for the past two or three days has been severe enough to bring his own army to “grief.” But I have great faith in Hooker. I have spent most of the evening with Gen^l Havelock at his room. He gave me his “cart de visite” for Julia and showed me his Medals and his Commission from the Sultan, presented in a silk bag with a large Medal. Took wine with him and sat and conversed for two hours. Cap^t Thornett called with me. Rc^d a letter from my dear Sister Harriet Northam, which gave me much pleasure. Also rc^d one from Home & from “Willie.” Sent ten photographs by mail to Julia, postage two cents. Shall be glad if they arrive in safty. Business dull in the office, plenty of time to read and write letters. Spent an hour at Charleys after I left the office, baby improves every day.

February. – The members of our society sympathized with General McClellan when he was criticised by some and we wrote him the following letter:

“Canandaigua, Feb. 13, 1863.

.
“Maj. Gen. Geo. McClellan:

“Will you pardon any seeming impropriety in our addressing you, and attribute it to the impulsive love and admiration of hearts which see in you, the bravest and noblest defender of our Union. We cannot resist the impulse to tell you, be our words ever so feeble, how our love and trust have followed you from Rich Mountain to Antietam, through all slanderous attacks of traitorous politicians and fanatical defamers–how we have admired, not less than your calm courage on the battlefield, your lofty scorn of those who remained at home in the base endeavor to strip from your brow the hard earned laurels placed there by a grateful country: to tell further, that in your forced retirement from battlefields of the Republic’s peril, you have ‘but changed your country’s arms for more, – your country’s heart,’ – and to assure you that so long as our country remains to us a sacred name and our flag a holy emblem, so long shall we cherish your memory as the defender and protector of both. We are an association whose object it is to aid, in the only way in which woman, alas! can aid our brothers in the field. Our sympathies are with them in the cause for which they have periled all – our hearts are with them in the prayer, that ere long their beloved commander may be restored to them, and that once more as of old he may lead them to victory in the sacred name of the Union and Constitution.

“With united prayers that the Father of all may have you and yours ever in His holy keeping, we remain your devoted partisans.”

Signed by a large number.

The following in reply was addressed to the lady whose name was first signed to the above:

“New York, Feb. 21, 1863.

“Madam–I take great pleasure in acknowledging the receipt of the very kind letter of the 13th inst, from yourself and your friends. Will you do me the favor to say to them how much I thank them for it, and that I am at a loss to express my gratitude for the pleasant and cheering terms in which it is couched. Such sentiments on the part of those whose brothers have served with me in the field are more grateful to me than anything else can be. I feel far more than rewarded by them for all I have tried to accomplish. – I am, Madam, with the most sincere respect and friendship, yours very truly,

“Geo. B. McClellan.”

FEBRUARY 23d.—I saw a letter from Gen. Lee to day, suggesting to the government on appeal to the Governors of the States to aid more directly in recruiting the armies. He says the people habitually expect too much from the troops now in the field; that because we have gained many victories, it does not follow that we shall always gain them; that the legitimate fruits of victory have hitherto been lost, for the want of numbers on our side; and, finally, that all those who fail to go to the field at such a momentous period as this, are guilty of the blood of the brave soldiers who perish in the effort to achieve independence.

This would be contrary to the “rules and regulations” as understood by the Adjutant and Inspector-General (a Northern man), and no doubt the Secretary of War and the President will reject the plan.

The petition of forty members of Congress in my behalf came from Mr. Seddon, the Secretary, to our bureau to-day. He asks the superintendent if there is a necessity for such an officer, one whose rank is equal to that of a commandant of a camp of instruction. He says important services only should require the appointment of such an officer. Well, Gen. Rains recommended it. I know not whether he can say more. I shall not get it, for Congress has but little influence, just now.

February 23, 1863, The Charleston Mercury

The Confederate States want nothing but their rights under the laws of nations at the hands of European Powers. They object decidedly to any kind of armed intervention, having in view a compulsory peace on terms dictated from Europe. Any settlement of the war must be of their own arranging, without foreign dictation, and free from coercion after the precedents of Greece and Belgium. We wish no interference which may involve either our boundaries or our institutions, or our free trade policies. These matters are our own, with which it is the business of none to meddle, and with which no outsiders can meddle without injuring us. All we ask is justice according to national law. Receiving this at the hands of the nations of Europe, we are quite capable of achieving our own destiny, and of readily establishing peaceful relations with the United States by treaty, and creating such relations with our European neighbors as will be redound greatly to the mutual interest and prosperity of ourselves and them.

The discrimination made abroad between the two Powers engaged in this war in America, by which the sovereignty of the rump United States is recognized, and that of the Confederate States practically denied, is unjust. We desire intervention to the extent of correcting this injustice, according to law and usage.

The acquiescence in a paper blockade of the Confederate coast, contrary to the law of blockade, which the Powers of Europe solemnly agreed to in 1856, and which they successfully proposed to the Confederate States, is unjust. We desire intervention to the extent of correcting this injustice by the law laid down and unmistakably plain.

The prohibition of Confederate cruisers from carrying their prizes into the ports of European nations, under a profession of impartiality between acknowledged belligerents, operating only to protect Yankee commerce and to cripple the Confederate navy, is unjust. We desire intervention to the extent of correcting this injustice according to national law and custom.

Action, in these particulars, will suffice to give us fair play and allow free scope to the operation of our great resources and power. It will amply suffice to close the war with the Yankees. We repeat, the Confederate States want no such intervention as that discussed in England. The Emperor NAPOLEON appears to have much more correct views concerning this matter.

February 23, 1863, The New York Herald

The significant special advices from Washington which we published yesterday, in reference to Mr. Seward’s late peace proposition to the French government, involve considerations of too much importance to be lightly passed over. What is this peace proposition? Mr. Seward, in his despatch to Mr. Dayton, our Minister at Paris, dated February 6, after emphatically dismissing the recommendations of France for a peace conference in some neutral country, between delegates from the two parties involved in this war, says:

On the other hand, the Congress of the United States furnishes a constitutional forum for debates between the alienated parties. Senators and Representatives from the loyal people are there already, fully empowered to confer. And seats are also vacant and inviting the Senators and Representatives of the discontented party, who may be constitutionally sent there from the States involved in the insurrection. Moreover, the conferences which can thus be held in Congress have this great advantage over any that could be organized on the plan of Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys, viz: That Congress, if it thought wise, could call a national convention to adopt its recommendations, and give them all the solemnity and binding force of organic law. Such conferences between the alienated parties may be said to have already begun. Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri – States which are claimed by the insurgents – are already represented in Congress, and are submitting, with perfect freedom and in a proper spirit, their advice upon the course best calculated to bring about in the shortest time a firm, lasting and honorable peace. Representatives have been sent, also, from Louisiana, and others are understood to be coming from Arkansas. There is a preponderating argument in favor of the Congressional form of conference over that which is suggested by Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys, viz: That while accession to the latter would bring the government into concurrence with the insurgents in disregarding and setting aside an important part of the constitution of the United States, and so would be of pernicious example, the Congressional conference, on the contrary, preserves and gives new strength to that sacred instrument, which must continue through future ages the sheet anchor of the republic.

Now, it is altogether probable that the idea, and the only idea, here intended to be conveyed to the French government is that European mediation is inadmissible in any form, as there can be no accommodation, no peace with our rebellious States, short of their absolute submission to the Union. This conclusion inevitably attached itself to the required return [continue reading…]

February 23, 1863, The New York Herald

Owing, no doubt, to the severe snow storm which raged yesterday, our news from the Army of the Potomac and from the West did not reach us. It is probable, however, that no movements have taken place in either direction. From Fortress Monroe we learn that the flag of Truce boat which arrived there on the 20th instant, brought down between two and three hundred Union prisoners who had been exchanged. The Richmond Enquirer of the 20th instant tells of an advance of the Union army in Middle Tennessee, but its reports are so vague as not to be worth much credit. The Texas journals complain of the invasion of the border counties of that State by Mexican banditti, some of the fighting under the United States flag.

February 23, 1863, The Charleston Mercury

The Yankee gunboat Flambeau, of the blockading squadron, steamed in towards Sullivan’s Island about ten o’clock on Saturday morning, displaying a white flag at the foremast’s head. The unusual incident for a time gave rise to much speculations among the wondermongers in the city; but a boat from Fort Sumter having boarded the Flambeau, her mission was ascertained to relate to nothing more important than the delivery of some letters, etc., unless, indeed, her commander desired a closer view of our defences. The letters were chiefly for the officers of the captured gunboat Isaac P. Smith; but among them, we understand, was one from Lord LYONS to the commander of the British war steamer Petrel, containing instructions for that vessel to repair immediately to Washington. The Petrel will accordingly leave this morning. From this movement of the Petrel, some infer that the intended demonstration against Charleston has, for some cause, been postponed.

The Flambeau, after delivering the letters, returned immediately to the fleet.

Sunday, 22d.—1 P. M., heavy cannonading; supposed to be salute in honor of Washington’s birthday.

(Note: picture is of an unidentified Confederate soldier.)

Feb. 22d. We fired a salute to-day, of seventeen guns, in honor of the birth-day of Washington.

Sunday, February 22d, 1863.

Mother has come to me! O how glad I was to see her this morning! And the Georgia project, which I dared not speak of for fear it should be mere talk and nothing more, is a reality. – Yes! we are actually going! I can hardly believe that such good fortune as getting out of that wretched Clinton really awaits us. Perhaps I shall not like Augusta either; a stranger in a strange city is not usually enchanted with everything one beholds; but still – a change of scene – a new country – new people – it is worth while! Shall we really go? Will some page in this book actually record “Augusta, Georgia”? No! I dare not believe it! Yet the mere thought has given me strength within the last two weeks to attempt to walk. Learning to walk at my age! Is it not amusing? But the smallest baby knows more about it than I did at first. Of course, I knew one foot was to be put before the other; but the question was how it was to be done when they would not go? I have conquered that difficulty, however, and can now walk almost two yards, if some one holds me fast.

Sunset. Will [Pinckney] has this instant left. Ever since dinner he has been vehemently opposing the Georgia move, insisting that it will cost me my life, by rendering me a confirmed cripple. He says he could take care of me, but no one else can, so I must not be moved. I am afraid his arguments have about shaken mother’s resolution. Pshaw! it will do me good! I must go. It will not do to remain here. Twenty-seven thousand Yankees are preparing to march on Port Hudson, and this place will certainly be either occupied by them, or burned. To go to Clinton is to throw myself in their hands, so why not one grand move to Augusta?