January 29, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

Major William H. Chase, formerly of the United States Corps of Engineers, is the leader of the State troops at Pensacola, Florida. He was formerly a resident of Massachusetts, and received the appointment of cadet from that State to the Military Academy at West Point, where he graduated March 3, 1815. He was appointed brevet second lieutenant in the Corps of Engineers in the same month, and promoted to full lieutenancy April 15, 1818. His subsequent promotions to first lieutenancy, captain, and major, date respectively March 31, 1819, January 1, 1825, and July 7, 1838. In 1844 he was a member of the Special Board of Engineers for examination of Florida reefs, &c., on the Gulf frontier of Texas and Mississippi. He was a member of the Board of Engineers from March 13, 1848, to September, 1848. He resigned his position in the Federal army October 31, 1856. Major Chase is a man of indomitable perseverance and courage, and ranks high as a military engineer and strategist. He is about sixty four years of age, and possesses a large private fortune.

January 29, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

The Legislature last night again altered the design of the State flag. It now consists of a blue field, with a white palmetto tree in the middle, upright. The white crescent in the upper flag staff corner remains as before, the horns pointing upward. This may be regarded as final.

Washington, January 29, 1861.

My Dear Sir,–With every sentiment of personal friendship and regard, I am obliged to say, in answer to your note of Sunday, that I have full confidence in the Secretary of War, and his acts, in the line of his duty, are my own acts, for which I am responsible.

Yours very respectfully,

James Buchanan.

January 29, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

An officer in the army or navy of the United States is a citizen of a State, appointed by the general agent of all the States (the Government of the United States) to an office, to assist in carrying on this agency. He is not a citizen of the agency. He is a citizen of one of the sovereign parties to the agency, having all the privileges of citizens of the other parties, by an express proviso in their agreement – the Constitution of the United States – which stipulates that citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States; and when he takes an office, civil or military, in the service of the Government of the United States, he does not in the slightest degree alter his relation towards his own State. He is still the citizen of a State – nothing more and nothing else – by her permission and agreement, in the employment of her joint and common agency – the Government of the United States. When, therefore, the State to which an officer belongs, withdraws from the Union established by the Constitution of the United States, and thus puts an end to the agency of the Government of the United States so far as she is concerned, what course should a citizen of a State, in the employment of the Government of the United States, pursue? Most assuredly he should leave the employment of the Government of the United States, unless he intends to expatriate himself. If he does not leave the employment of this Government, he will be like a citizen who emigrates to France and enlists in her army or navy. He is no longer a citizen of the State to which he once belonged. He is in the pay and employment of a Government agency to which his native State is not a party. He chooses to transfer his citizenship and allegiance to another power. Whether such a course shall be morally right or honorable, will depend upon the relations which shall exist between his State and her late associates in a common Union and Government after their connection shall be dissolved. If relations of peace and amity continued to exist, there is no obligation of duty which will forbid him to change his country and allegiance. If he thinks that his personal interests require the change, let him do it. But if, on the contrary, on the dissolution of the connection between his State and her late associate in a common Government, these associates attempt to use the agency of the Government, of which he is an officer, to invade his State and to overthrow her liberties and independence – what course ought he then to pursue? Most clearly every dictate of social duty, gratitude, or of honor will require him to leave the employment of the Government which is to be used against his native State, and to go to her aid and assistance. He became an officer in this Government only because he was a citizen of his State. It was her patronage and her power which gave him his office. To hold on to it, and to use it, at the bidding and in the employment of a Government which she has cast off, to invade or oppress her, is an act of hideous moral delinquency, ingratitude, dishonor and treachery – a crime striking at the root of society itself. In a time of peril no man should desert his country; but not only to desert her, but to join her enemies to subdue or destroy her, is a crime of so deep a dye that history in all ages has marked it as amongst the most flagrant in its infamy, degradation and wickedness.

January 29, 1861

• Kansas is admitted as the 34th U.S. state — without slavery.

PENSACOLA, January 28, 1861.

To Hon. JOHN SLIDELL,   or, in his absence,

Hon. R. M. HUNTER, or Governor BIGLER:

We hear the Brooklyn is coming with re-enforcements for Fort Pickens. No attack on its garrison is contemplated, but, on the contrary, we desire to keep the peace, and if the present status be preserved we will guarantee that no attack will be made upon it, but if re-enforcements be attempted, resistance and a bloody conflict seem inevitable. Should the Government thus attempt to augment its force—when no possible call for it exists; when we are preserving a peaceful policy–an assault may be made upon the fort at a moment’s warning. All preparations are made. Our whole force–1,700 strong–will regard it as a hostile act. Impress this upon the President, and urge that the inevitable consequence of re-enforcement under present circumstances is instant war, as peace will be preserved if no re-enforcements be attempted. If the President wants an assurance of all I say from Colonel Chase, commanding the forces, I will transmit it at once. I am determined to stave off war if possible.

Answer promptly.

S.R. MALLORY.

Jan. 28, Monday.—Sunday has now got to be a day of special excitement. The gentlemen save all the sensational papers to regale us with at the late Sunday breakfast. Rob opened the battle yesterday morning by saying to me in his most aggressive manner, “G., I believe these are your sentiments”; and then he read aloud an article from the “Journal des Debats” expressing in rather contemptuous terms the fact that France will follow the policy of non-intervention. When I answered: “Well, what do you expect? This is not their quarrel,” he raved at me, ending by a declaration that he would willingly pay my passage to foreign parts if I would like to go. “Rob,” said his father, “keep cool; don’t let that threat excite you. Cotton is king. Just wait till they feel the pinch a little; their tone will change.” I went to Trinity Church. Some Union people who are not Episcopalians go there now because the pastor has not so much chance to rail at the Lord when things are not going to suit: but yesterday was a marked Sunday. The usual prayer for the President and Congress was changed to the “governor and people of this commonwealth and their representatives in convention assembled.”

The city was very lively and noisy this evening with rockets and lights in honor of secession. Mrs. F., in common with the neighbors, illuminated. We walked out to see the houses of others gleaming amid the dark shrubbery like a fairy scene. The perfect stillness added to the effect, while the moon rose slowly with calm splendor. We hastened home to dress for a soirée, but on the stairs Edith said, “G., first come and help me dress Phoebe and Chloe [the negro servants]. There is a ball to-night in aristocratic colored society. This is Chloe’s first introduction to New Orleans circles, and Henry Judson, Phoebe’s husband, gave five dollars for a ticket for her.” Chloe is a recent purchase from Georgia. We superintended their very stylish toilets, and Edith said, “G., run into your room, please, and write a pass for Henry. Put Mr. D.’s name to it.” “Why, Henry is free,” I said.—”That makes no difference; all colored people must have a pass if out late. They choose a master for protection and always carry his pass. Henry chose Mr. D., but he’s lost the pass he had.” When the pass was ready, a carriage dashed up to the back-gate and the party drove off in fine style.

At the soirée we had secession talk sandwiched everywhere; between the supper, and the music, and the dance; but midnight has come, and silence, and a few too brief hours of oblivion.

Note: To protect Mrs. Miller’s job as a teacher in post-civil war New Orleans, her diary was published anonymously, edited by G. W. Cable, names were changed and initials were generally used instead of full names—and even the initials differed from the real person’s initials. (Read Dora Richards Miller’s biographical sketch.)

MONDAY, JANUARY 28, 1861.

It has thawed only in the sun today but it has been bright and pleasant overhead. The day has passed without any startling news. The committee in Congress resolved to investigate the conspiracy said to exist to seize the City, or at least as far as Govt officials are concerned. Some persons in our office are said to be implicated. Many officials from States that have “seceded” are employed in all the Depts. I was at the “National” this evening. The Hotels and the Streets on the Ave. seem quite crowded at present. A collision at Pensacola (or Fort Pickens) is now expected daily. No Blood has yet been shed.

The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of   Congress.

Post-office Department, January 28,1861.

Sir,–In answer to your letter of the 24th instant, asking if you have the right, “under existing relations,” to frank and distribute certain public documents, I have the honor to state that the theory of the administration is that the relations of South Carolina to the general Government have been in nothing changed by her recent act of secession; and this being so, you are of course entitled to the franking privilege until the first Monday in December next. If, however, as I learn is the case, you sincerely and decidedly entertain the conviction that by that act South Carolina ceased to be a member of the confederacy, and is now a foreign State, it will be for you to determine how far you can conscientiously avail yourself of a privilege the exercise of which assumes that your own conviction is erroneous, and plainly declares that South Carolina is still in the Union, and that you are still a member of the Congress of the United States.

I am, very respectfully,

your obedient servant,

Horatio King,

Acting P. M.-General.

Hon. John D. Ashmore,

Anderson, S. C.

see Franking Question

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
Montgomery, Ala., January 28, 1861.

Hon. WM. M. BROOKS, President State Convention:

SIR: The following resolution has been handed me by the secretary of the Convention:

Resolved, That his excellency the governor be requested to communicate to this Convention forthwith any information he may have in reference to the propriety of withdrawing or continuing in service the troops now at Pensacola.

In answer to the foregoing resolution, I submit the following facts: On the 19th January the following dispatch was received by Colonel Chase at Pensacola, to wit:

WASHINGTON, January 18, 1861.

Col. W. H. CHASE:

Yours received. We think no assault should be made. The possession of the fort is not worth one drop of blood to us. Measures pending unite us in this opinion. Bloodshed may be fatal to our cause.

Signed by Senators Mallory, Yulee, Slidell, Benjamin, Iverson, Hemphill, Wigfall, Clay, Fitzpatrick, and Davis.

Since the receipt of this dispatch, I have had a conference with Senator Mallory, of Florida, and Senator Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, in reference to the reasons upon which it was predicated, in which they informed me that they and Senator Slidell had a personal interview with the President and Secretary of the Navy, and were assured by them that no attack would be made upon Fort Sumter and Fort Pickens, or any excuse given for the shedding of blood, during the present administration, and that they deemed it of great importance that no attack should be made by South Carolina upon Fort Sumter, or by the troops of the seceding States upon Fort Pickens, in the present aspect of affairs. I was also informed by them that it was the policy of the Republican party to force a conflict between the Federal Government and the seceding States before the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, so that the responsibility of commencing a war should not be cast upon him. It was further stated by Mr. Mallory that a special messenger had been sent by the Secretary of the Navy to the officer in command at Fort Pickens, directing that officer to prevent the ships which had been ordered to Pensacola from entering the bay. The officer sent was Captain Barron, of Virginia, in company with Mr. Mallory.

This is all the information now in my possession in reference to the attitude of the Federal Government and the seceding States.

In reference to the forces at Pensacola, I am informed by Colonel Chase that some companies from Mississippi, now at Pensacola, are desirous of returning home, being planters, business men, &c. He has asked me what must be done in regard to this matter. I have answered him by telegraph that the troops are under the orders of the governor of Florida, and that the governor of Alabama cannot specially interfere with the Mississippi troops.

I have also received a dispatch from his excellency J. J. Pettus, governor of Mississippi, inquiring how long the Mississippi troops were desired to remain at Pensacola. I have telegraphed him that the governors of Florida and Mississippi have alone the right to control the troops of Mississippi.

Notwithstanding it now appears from the authority above given that no attack is to be made upon the forts at Pensacola now in the possession of our forces at that point, I deem it inexpedient that all the troops should be withdrawn. It is important that we should be provided for any emergency that may occur, and that a sufficient number of troops should be drilled and ready to meet it. If the troops should all be withdrawn from Pensacola, it may have a demoralizing effect upon them and upon volunteers generally, unless kept under orders at some other point. It would be more expensive to the State to transport them to some other position and keep them under arms than to permit them to remain at Pensacola.

The withdrawal of the troops from Pensacola might induce the belief among the Black Republicans that resistance was not intended if coercion were attempted on their part, and thus give encouragement to them.

I have now briefly given the information in my possession, and also my opinion with regard to the withdrawal of the troops from Pensacola.

Very respectfully,

A. B. MOORE.

January 28, 1861, The New York Herald

From Washington we learn that the city was very quiet yesterday. Despatches from Charleston received there state that much excitement existed in regard to the departure of the Brooklyn from Norfolk with troops.

As soon as it became known that the Brooklyn and other vessels had been ordered South, despatches were sent to Charleston and Pensacola informing the authorities at those places that these vessels had reinforcements for the Southern forts and to be on the look out. The destination of the Brooklyn is said to be Pensacola, where she may be expected to arrive the latter part of this week. It was stated in Washington that late Saturday evening a despatch was sent to Major Chase, in command of the State troops at Pensacola, advising him to seize Fort Pickens without delay. Should this officer see proper to follow this advice a collision between the State and federal authorities is almost inevitable.

The Louisiana Convention on Saturday passed the ordinance declaring that State a free and sovereign republic by a vote of 113 yeas to 17 nays. A resolution declaring the right of free navigation of the Mississippi river and tributaries to all friendly States was passed, and the Convention adjourned to meet in New Orleans on the 29th inst. The resolution to submit the ordinance to a vote of the people was defeated.

From Springfield we learn that Mr. Lincoln will start for Washington on the 14th of February, and will proceed by the way of Indianapolis, Cleveland, Buffalo, Albany, Harrisburg and Baltimore to the federal capital.

January 28, 1861, The New York Herald

We are glad to see by the message of Governor Pettus, of Mississippi, and the proceedings of the Louisiana Convention, that the people of those States have no idea of following the suicidal example of South Carolina, and ruining their own commerce in order to carry out their extreme political notions. The subject of the navigation of the Mississippi is one of the great practical importance, perhaps the greatest among all the complications involved in the problem of disunion. Five and twenty years ago, before the whistle of the locomotive – the herald of progress and civilization – had been heard west of the Alleghanies or south of Baltimore, the act of shutting up the lower Mississippi to Northern trade would have ruined the great West. Now, however, the farmers and producers of Ohio, Illinois, Indian, Iowa, Michigan and Wisconsin have other markets, and the south depends upon them, not they upon the South. If Louisiana and Mississippi agreed to throw obstacles in the way of the free navigation of the Father of Rivers, they would cut their own throats; and they know it as well as we do. Latterly there has been a great excitement all over the North and West in consequence of the fact that the State authorities of Mississippi had caused the erection of batteries near Vicksburg, and that steamboats passing down the river were fired upon in case they did not stop at that point. There was a good deal of fierce talk on both sides, and some Western Governors drew ensanguined pictures of possible difficulties to take place among the canebrakes and woodyards of the Mississippi. It appears however, that these batteries were temporary affairs, built to prevent the reinforcement of the forts at points below Vicksburg, more especially those at New Orleans. The Louisiana Convention made haste to declare that the navigation of the river should be free to all States and Powers. The Governor of Mississippi recommends that the prompt and efficient measures be adopted to make known to the people of the Northwestern States that peaceful commerce on the Mississippi river will neither be interrupted nor annoyed by the people of Mississippi. We agree with the Governor in the statement that will preserve peace between the South and the Northwest, if it can be preserved. Further than that, we believe that civil war, if it comes at all, will not break out in that quarter. The war policy of the new administration would undoubtedly be the starvation of the South, by blocking up its ports and destroying its commerce. Accordingly to present appearances, the Charleston and Mobile people having saved the republicans the trouble of shutting out their foreign and coasting trade, and the Orleanois seeming almost as crazy as their friends on the seaboard, there will be no necessity for coercion in that shape. However that may be, we regard the course of Louisiana and Mississippi upon the matter of the river navigation as being not only very important in a commercial point of view, but likewise a very cheering sign that our political affairs are not in such a bad way as to be altogether hopeless. Let Chicago rejoice and Wall street be comforted. Trade, calm health of nations, will still flow unrestricted from the Falls of St. Anthony to the Delta of the Mississippi.

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

On Saturday last both Houses of the General Assembly finally concurred in the design of the flag which is hereafter to represent the Sovereign State of South Carolina. The field is dark blue. Upon the upper inner corner of the flag is the crescent, in white, the horns pointing upward. In the middle of the flag is an oval, in white, emblazoned with a golden palmetto, upright. The cut we present will give an idea of the proportions of the new ensign.

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

ST. AUGUSTINE, Fla., January 19, 1861. The Facts of the Seizure of the Florida Forts.

In your paper of the 7th instant (which I have just seen) appears, in a letter to Messrs. W.M. LAWTON & Co., from their Fernandina correspondent, the following: “A order came from the Governor this afternoon, and the Everglade will leave here at midnight for St. Augustine, to have the forts there taken and bring us some guns, etc. We have since learned that the detachment of Fernandina Volunteers has executed promptly the wise order of Governor PERRY.” For the credit of the Ancient City, I beg you will allow me to correct this statement. Governor PERRY, on the 4th instant, appointed Mr. GEORGE C. GRASS, of this place, an aid de Camp, with orders to proceed to St. Augustine, seize the forts, arsenal, etc., and, if necessary, to call to his assistance such additional aid as might be necessary. On the 7th instant, this order was promptly executed by St. Augustine troops alone, and the Fernandina Volunteers had no more to do with it than they had with the capture of Fort Moultrie, in Charleston. Marion, which is the only fort at this place, is (as also the arsenal), in possession of the State, and is garrisoned by Capt. J. L. PHILLIP’s Light Infantry, and by Capt. G. C. GIBBS’ Artillery Company. The latter is occupied in mounting 32 pounders and 8 inch howitzers. An unarmed detachment of Fernandina volunteers reached here per Everglade on Sunday, 6th inst., with an order for guns, &c., and after getting them on board, went to sea again on the 12th. This alone was the object of their visit. They were not even present when Major GIBBS demanded and received possession, nor were their services required, though had they been, they would have been promptly rendered. As there was no garrison to overcome, aid was not asked for. On the 12th inst., intelligence of the secession of this State was received here. A beautiful flag, the work of the ladies of St. Augustine, was hoisted, and salutes fired by detachments from the Jacksonville Infantry, Capt. STEELE (here for arms), the St. Augustine Blues, Capt. PHILLIPS, and the Marion Artillery, Capt. GIBBS, while all the church bells rang a joyful peal. Under Spanish and under English rule, this old Fort has taken many a hard knock and may take many more; but never yet has its colors been lowered to an enemy, and please God they never will be.

C.

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

Certain phlegmatic of the South, to call them by the tenderest name, have had a great deal to say about the rashness and hot haste of South Carolina in seceding from the Confederacy. But this is the language of cowardice borrowing the speech of impudence. South Carolina would not consult her sisters, as if her beautiful and indignant sisters did not refuse her appeal for consultation. They would neither act for themselves nor counsel with her. Such was the language and decision of the politicians, at least. We have great hopes that the people of these sister States will soon speak a different language. But South Carolina gave long notice before hand, that, with the election of LINCOLN, she had resolved on secession. Why did they not counsel with her when she declared that resolution? But we have some faint recollection that this sentiment, which looked to secession as the only remedy, was entertained and declared by some of these very politicians. It was understood among all of them that LINCOLN’s election would endanger the Confederacy – so well understood that the New York merchants, who well knew what the danger was, devoted themselves to the one effort of defeating LINCOLN. Did these phlegmatics of the South feel less upon the subject than the New York merchants? One thing is certain – if, as our timid friends augur, this revolution shall turn out to be a bloody one, at least all the bloodshed will be on the hands of those tardy phlegmatics, who refused to counsel with South Carolina – who would do nothing themselves, and threw cold water on the zeal of those who strove to do. They had their warning – they should not be taken by surprise. The non-performance, in a time of national crisis, which shelters itself under the cloak of its dignity, is at once impudence and cowardice.

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

No Federal troops shall ever enter Virginia to operate against the South! Such was the solemn declaration of FLOYD, of Virginia, long ago. Yet we see that, contemplating the use of Federal troops against the South, the fortresses of Virginia are reinforced. Very beautiful, this! The Government of the United States, which left Harpers Ferry to the tender mercies of JOHN BROWN, arms it against Virginia herself. These fortresses, thus reinforced are to be yielded, in March, to ABRAHAM LINCOLN. How many JOHN BROWNs are to be sheltered in Virginia, under the protection of United States troops, is a question in political arithmetic, which our sister State must answer for herself. There was a time, however, when Virginia could snuff tyranny in the breeze. Does she not see it in these bayonets of the Federal Government?

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

(From the Washington Correspondent of the Baltimore Exchange.)

I have been permitted to peruse a very interesting letter from Lieutenant DOUBLEDAY, of Fort Sumter, received last night, in which he says:

“While the leaders are becoming more pacific the mob is becoming more outrageous and ungovernable. I hear they are loud in threats about me. They say there may be some excuse for other officers, as they are supposed to be Southern men performing a duty disagreeable to them, but I am an open Republican and enemy. Some influential Southern men have written to Governor Pickens that this refusal to allow us to hold any communication with the city, and his interference with our mails, has made South Carolina enemies in many Southern States, and he has been urged to relax his severity. We have been living on our rations and a few vegetables laid in for Capt. Foster’s workmen, who went away; and yet the MERCURY has the impudence to say we are fed by them. We have received no supplies of any kind from Charleston, with the single trifling exception of a box of candles smuggled in. If Major Anderson is allowed the privilege of contracting for fresh meats, as is done everywhere in the army, he will exercise it, but if it is proposed as a present for South Carolina, he will not receive it. The country people who never saw a gun or a fort, who have no education, and own little property, are raving mad to attack us.

“We may be too incredulous, but feel no apprehension, and don’t believe the fort can be taken. Day before yesterday the Carolinians landed two or three mortars on Cummings Point, on the nearest point of land for attacking the fort. There is not a particle of truth in the story of a mutiny. It was started in Charleston to induce the Government to surrender this place. There has been no prisoners in the guard house for a long time. The men are behaving admirably, are in good spirits, full of fun, and spoiling for a fight. As for surrendering, under any circumstances, they never dreamed of it. You need pay no attention to any thing you see in the Charleston papers in reference to our affairs. If you reflect that when a boat comes with a white flag from Charleston, that none of our men are allowed to communicate with it, you will readily see that all their stories about us are mere inventions. The men bear their privations and severe guard duty very cheerfully. They miss their tobacco more than any thing else.

“P.S. – Two steamboats were on the watch over us all night, one in the direction of the bar and the other towards Charleston.”

 This is the substance of the letter which is dated the evening of the 20th. It gives a closer insight into matter concerning which there have been many contradictory statements.

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

Reception of the News.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

BATON ROUGE, January 26. – The Committee reported the Ordinance of Immediate Secession this morning. At ten minutes past one othe vote upon its adoption was taken, and amid the greatest excitement, the result was announced as follows: Yeas, 113, nays, 17. The Ordinance will be signed by all the Delegates.

There is intense joy and enthusiasm among the people here. The Pelican flag has been unfurled, and the military are firing salutes.

THE NEWS IN NEW ORLEANS.

NEW ORLEANS, January 26. When the fact that the State was out of the Union became known here the Washington Artillery fired a salute of a hundred guns. Salutes were also fired in Jackson Square, Annunciation Square, and the Place d’Armes. The Pelican banner was flung to the breeze from prominent points, and the demonstrations of public joy were general.

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

This spirited and efficient company, having been relieved from the post at Fort Moultrie, which they have occupied since the 27th December, were received at the landing by the detachment of the company in the city. The entire company, numbering one hundred and twenty two strong, marched to their gun shed, preceded by the Palmetto Band. Their excellent and soldierly appearance elicited the encomiums of all who saw them, and gave assurance of the advantages derived by constant drilling. Having replaced their arms, they marched to the Masonic Hall, where a repast was prepared by the home delegation.

Private COHN, of the home delegation, in behalf of others, in very feeling and appropriate remarks, welcomed the corps, and congratulated them on their return in the enjoyment of excellent health and good spirits. He alluded in handsome terms to the promptness and cheerfulness with which hey obeyed the call of their State, and the many evidences they had given of their ability to render efficient service. He congratulated the Captain in having under his command such a fine body of men, ready at all times to obey the call of duty; and paid a feeling tribute to the heroic qualities of their commander. In conclusion, he desired the corps to partake of the repast prepared for them.

Capt. WALTER, in a very neat and feeling manner, responded in behalf of his command, expressing the pleasure it afforded him to acknowledge their obedience and their readiness to maintain the honor of their State at all hazards.

The order to be seated was obeyed as willingly as the order to man the guns when the Star of the West made her appearance in the offing. Ample justice was done to the ammunition prepared for this occasion, and many capital speeches were made. The occasion was, indeed, one of enjoyment and conviviality.

Capt. WALTER also read the orders that a detachment of thirty men be detailed to take charge of the battery at the extreme end of the Island, having command of Maffit’s Channel. This announcement was received with vociferous [continue reading…]

Washington, January 27,1861.

MY Dear Sir,—I have seen in the Star, and heard from other parties, that Major Beauregard, who had been ordered to West Point as Superintendent of the Military Academy, and had entered on the discharge of his duties there, had been relieved from his command. May I take the liberty of asking you if this has been done with your approbation?

Very respectfully yours,

John Slidell.

The President replies on January 29th.

SUNDAY 27

The snow is about 6 or 7 inches deep and some attempts at sleigh riding are made but there seems to be a sad deficiency in vehicles of that kind, but the ring of sleigh bells has been quite common today. It has thawed in the sun all day. I was in at Willards. The House seemed to be quite full. Called at Cramers and spent an hour. Mr Russell from Saratoga there, took tea there. The moon is at its full and it is almost as light as day out. Every one you meet looks grave and anxious.

The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of   Congress.

–The Grand Jury at Washington made three presentments of Ex-Secretary Floyd, first, for maladministration in office; second, for complicity in the abstraction of the bonds; and third, for conspiracy against the Government.–N. Y. Tribune.

January 27, 1861.—Six States have “seceded.” Let them go. If the Union is now dissolved it does not prove that the experiment of popular government is a failure. In all the free States, and in a majority if not in all of the slaveholding States, popular government has been sucessful. But the experiment of uniting free states and slaveholding states in one nation is, perhaps, a failure. Freedom and slavery can, perhaps, not exist side by side under the same popular government. There probably is an “irrepressible conflict”¹ between freedom and slavery. It may as well be admitted, and our new relations may as well be formed with that as an admitted fact.

_______

¹ This phrase had first been used by William H. Seward in a speech at Rochester, New York, October 25, 1858.

SAVANNAH, GA., January 27, 1861.

I transmit herewith a copy of an order which was handed to me yesterday.

I refused to recognize Colonel Lawton’s authority, or to allow Lieutenant Bassinger to interfere with the barracks or public property. Lieutenant Bassinger, on my refusal to agree to comply with the order which he gave me, called on and obtained assistance from the city police and fastened up my public storeroom. The barracks are now under the charge of the police.

I do not think the State authorities design taking the stores from here at present, or that they will molest me so long as I allow them to keep my storeroom fastened.

Lieutenant Bassinger, an officer of the State, offered to give me any writing I might desire in relation [to] the post and stores, but I refused to take any, or to give him any information. Please inform me if I am to act different from what I have.

……….Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

E. BURT,
Ordnance Sergeant,   U.S. Army.

Col. S. COOPER, Adjutant-General U. S. Army, Washington, D. C.

.

[Inclosure.]

.

SAVANNAH, January 26, 1861.

Lieut. W. S. BASSINGER :

SIR: You will immediately take possession of Oglethorpe Barracks, in this city, in the name of the State of Georgia, and under orders of the commander-in-chief.

The present occupants are not to be disturbed, provided they agree to remain subject to my orders, or to any proper authority of this State.

……….Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

A. R. LAWTON,
Colonel, Commanding.