13th.—General Jackson is doing so gloriously in the Valley that we must not let the fate of the “Virginia” depress us too much. On the 9th of May he telegraphed to General Cooper: “God blessed our arms with victory at McDowell yesterday.” Nothing more has been given us officially, but private information is received that he is in hot pursuit down the Valley. The croakers roll their gloomy eyes, and say, “Ah, General Jackson is so rash!” and a lady even assured me that he was known to be crazy when under excitement, and that we had every thing to fear from the campaign he was now beginning in the Valley. I would that every officer and soldier in the Southern army was crazed in the same way; how soon we would be free from despotism and invasion!

MAY 13th.—This morning I learned that the consuls had carried the day, and were permitted to collect the tobacco alleged to be bought on foreign account in separate warehouses, and to place the flags of their respective nations over them. This was saving the property claimed by foreigners whose governments refused to recognize us (these consuls are accredited to the United States), and destroying that belonging to our own citizens. I told the Provost Marshal that the act of Congress included all tobacco and cotton, and he was required by law to see it all destroyed. He, however, acknowledged only martial law, and was, he said, acting under the instructions of the Secretary of State. What has the Secretary of State to do with martial law? Is there really no Secretary of War?

Near the door of the Provost Marshal’s office, guarded by bayoneted sentinels, there is a desk presided over by Sergeant Crow, who orders transportation on the cars to such soldiers as are permitted to rejoin their regiments. This Crow, a Marylander, keeps a little black-board hung up and notes with chalk all the regiments that go down the Peninsula. To-day, I saw a man whom I suspected to be a Yankee spy, copy with his pencil the list of regiments; and when I demanded his purpose, he seemed confused. This is the kind of information Gen. McClellan can afford to pay for very liberally. I drew the Provost Marshal’s attention to this matter, and he ordered a discontinuance of the practice.

Tuesday, 13th–We received marching orders this forenoon, and striking our tents at noon, started off towards the right. We marched four miles and went into camp—camp number 7. There was some skirmishing with the pickets today.

May 13th. We have been lying here several days coaling ship, &c., while our officers have been going ashore both on business and pleasure. This afternoon two steamers arrived from New Orleans loaded with troops for this place; they landed, and after parading the streets for a couple of hours returned to their boats for the night.

13th. Issued four days’ rations. Most all the horses were condemned for sore backs. Sent to mill for one day’s ration of flour. Companies fell out several times from false alarms. I accidentally fired a gun while drilling with Reeve and Archie.

Tuesday, May 13th.—Moved back this morning about one mile, and cleaned off new camps. Orderly Harmon came round and said he wanted two good-looking men—men that the ladies loved to walk with—and detailed Brother Tom and myself, and then sent us out to dig sinks. Such is life—in camps. Dress parade this eve; notified that this place shall be known as Camp Kirby Smith.

(Note: picture is of an unidentified Confederate soldier.)

May 13, 1862, The Charleston Mercury

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE MISSISSIPPI.

CORINTH, Mississippi, April 11, 1862.

General: On the 2d ultimo, having ascertained conclusively from the movements of the enemy on the Tennessee river, and from reliable sources of information, that his aim would be to cut off my communication in Western Tennessee with the Eastern and Southern States, by separating from the Tennessee river between Crump’s Landing and Eastport as a base, I determined to foil his designs by concentrating all my available forces at and around Corinth.

Meanwhile, having called on the Governors of the States of Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama and Louisiana, to furnish additional troops, some of them, chiefly regiments from Louisiana, soon reached this vicinity, and, with two divisions of Gen. Polk’s command from Columbus, and a fine corps of troops from Mobile and Pensacola, under Major General Bragg, constituted the army of the Mississippi. At the same time General Johnston being at Murfreesboro’, on the march to form a junction of his forces with mine, was called on to send at least a brigade by railroad, so that we might fall on and crush the enemy should he attempt an advance from under his gunboats. The call on General Johnston was promptly complied with. His entire force was also hastened in this direction, and by the first of April our united forces were concentrated along the Mobile and Ohio Railroad from Bethel to Corinth, and on the Memphis and Charleston Railroad from Corinth to Iuka.

It was then determined to assume the offensive and strike a sudden blow at the enemy in position, under General Grant, on the west bank of the Tennessee, at Pittsburg, and in the direction of Savannah, before he was reinforced by the army under General Buell, then known to be advancing for that purpose by rapid marches from Nashville via Columbus. About the same time Gen. Johnston was advised that such an operation conformed to the expectations of the President.

By a rapid and vigorous attack on Gen. Grant, it was expected he would be beaten back into his transports and the river, or captured in time to enable us to profit by the victory and remove to the rear all the stores and munitions that would fall into our hands, in such an event, before the arrival of General Buell’s army on the scene. It was never contemplated, however, to retain the position thus gained and abandon Corinth, the strategic point of the campaign.

Want of general officers needed for the proper organization of divisions and brigades of an army brought thus suddenly together, and other difficulties in the way of an effective organization, delayed the movement until the night of the 2d instant, which it was heard from a reliable quarter that the junction of the enemy’s armies was near at hand; it was then, at a late hour, determined that the attack should be attempted at once, incomplete and imperfect as were our preparations for such a grave and momentous adventure. Accordingly that night, at one o’clock, a.m., the preliminary orders to the commanders of corps were issued for the movement.

On the following morning the detailed orders of movement, a copy of which is herewith marked ‘A,’ were issued, and the movement, after some delay, commenced, the troops being in admirable spirits. It was expected we should be able to reach the enemy’s lines in time to attack them early on the 5th instant. The men, however, for the most part, were unused to marching, the roads narrow, and traversing a densely wooded country, became almost impassable after a severe rain storm on the night of the 4th, which drenched the troops in bivouac; hence our forces did not reach the intersection of the roads from Pittsburg and Hamburg in the immediate vicinity of the enemy, until late Saturday afternoon.

It was then decided the that attack should be made on the next morning, at the earliest hour practicable, in accordance with the orders of movement. That is, in three lines of battle; the first and second extending from Owl creek on the left to Lick creek on the right – a distance of about three miles, supported by the third and the reserve. The first line, under Major General Hardee, was constituted of his corps, augmented on his right by Gladden’s brigade, of Major General Bragg’s corps, deployed in line of battle, with their respective artillery, following immediately by the main road to Pittsburg, and the cavalry in rear of the wings. The second line, composed of the other troops of Bragg’s corps, followed the first at a distance of five hundred yards in the same order as the first. The army corps, under Gen. Polk, followed the second line, at the distance of about eight hundred yards, in lines of brigades deployed with their batteries in rear of each brigade, moving by the Pittsburg road, the left wing supported by cavalry; the reserve, under Brigadier General Breckinridge, followed closely the third line, in the same order, its right wing supported by cavalry.

These two corps constituted the reserve, and were to support the front lines of battle, by being deployed when required on the right and left of the Pittsburg road, or otherwise act according to the exigencies of the battle.

At five a.m., on the sixth inst., a reconnoitering party of the enemy, having become engaged with our advanced pickets, the commander of the forces gave orders to begin the movement and attack as determined upon, except that Trabue’s brigade of Breckinridge’s division was detached and advanced to support the left of Bragg’s corps and line of battle, when menaced by the enemy, and the other two brigades were directed to advance by the road to Hamburg, to support Bragg’s right; and at the same time, Mancy’s regiment, of Polk’s corps, was advanced by the same road to reinforce the regiment of cavalry and battery of four pieces already thrown forward to watch and guard Grier, Tanner’s and Borland’s fords, of Lick Creek.

Thirty minutes after five o’clock, a.m., our lines and columns were in motion, all animated, evidently, by a promising spirit. The front line was engaged at once, but advanced steadily, followed in due order, with equal resolution and steadiness, by the other lines, which were brought successively into action with rare skill, judgment and gallantry, by the several corps commanders, as the enemy made a stand, with his masses rallied for the struggle for his encampments. Like an Alpine avalanche, our troops moved forward, despite the determined resistance of the enemy, until after six o’clock, p.m., when we were in possession of all his encampments between Owl and Lick Creek but one. Nearly all of his field artillery, about thirty (30) flags, colors and standards, over 3000 prisoners, including a division commander (Gen. Prentiss) and several brigade commanders, thousands of small arms, an immense supply of subsistence, forage and munitions of war, and a large amount of means of transportation – all the substantial fruits of a complete victory, such, indeed, as rarely have followed the most successful battles, for never was an army so well provided as that of our enemy.

The remnant of his army had been driven in utter disorder to the immediate vicinity of Pittsburg, under the shelter of the heavy guns of his iron clad gunboats, and we remained undisputed masters of his well selected, admirably provided cantonments, after over twelve hours of obstinate conflict with his forces, who had been beaten from them and the contiguous covert, but only by a sustained onset of all the men we could bring into action.

Our loss was heavy, as will appear from the accompanying return marked ‘B.’ Our commander-in-Chief, General A. S. Johnston, fell mortally wounded, and died on the field at 2.30 p.m., after having shown the highest qualities of the commander, and a personal intrepidity that inspired all around him, and gave resistless impulsion to his columns at critical moments.

The chief command then devolved upon me, though at the time I was greatly prostrated, and suffering from the prolonged sickness with which I had been afflicted since early in February. The responsibility was one which, in my physical condition, I would have gladly avoided, though cast upon me when our forces were successfully pushing the enemy back upon the Tennessee river, and though supported on the immediate field by such corps commanders as Maj. Gens. Polk, Bragg and Hardee, and Brig. Gen. Breckinridge, commanding the reserve.

It was after six o’clock, p.m., as before said, when the enemy’s last position was carried, and his forces finally broke and sought refuge behind a commanding eminence, covering the Pittsburg Landing, not more than half a mile distant, and under the guns of the gunboats, which opened on our eager columns a fierce and annoying fire with shot and shell of the heaviest description. Darkness was close at hand. Officers and men were exhausted by a combat of over twelve hours without food, and jaded by the march of the preceding day through mud and water; it was therefore impossible to collect the rich and opportune spoils of war scattered broadcast on the field left in our possession, and impracticable to make any effective dispositions for their removal to the rear.

I accordingly established my headquarters at the church of Shiloh, in the enemy’s encampment, with Major General Bragg, and directed our troops to sleep on their arms, in such positions in advance and rear as corps commanders should determine, hoping from news received by a special despatch that delays had been encountered by General Buell in his march from Columbia, and that his main force, therefore, could not reach the field of battle in time to save General Grant’s shattered fugitive forces from capture or destruction on the following day.

During the night the rain fell in torrents, adding to the discomfort and harassed condition of the men; the enemy, moreover, had broken their rest by a discharge, at measured intervals, of heavy shells thrown from the gunboats; therefore, on the following morning, the troops under my command were not in a condition to cope with an equal force of fresh troops, armed and equipped like our adversary, in the immediate possession of his depots and sheltered by such an auxiliary as the enemy’s gunboats.

About six o’clock on the morning of the 7th of April, however, a hot fire of musketry and artillery opened from the enemy’s quarter on our advanced line, assured me of the junction of his forces, and soon the battle raged with a fury which satisfied me. I was attacked by a largely superior force. But, from the onset, our troops, notwithstanding their fatigue and losses from the battle of the day before, exhibited the most cheering, veteran-like steadiness. On the right and centre the enemy was repulsed in every attempt he made with his heavy columns in that quarter of the field; on the left, however, and nearest to the point of arrival of his reinforcements, he drove forward line after line of his fresh troops, which were met with a resolution and courage of which our country may be proudly hopeful. Again and again our troops were brought to the charge, invariably to win the position at issue, invariably to drive back their foe. But hour by hour, thus opposed to an enemy constantly reinforced, our ranks were perceptibly thinned under the unceasing, withering fire of the enemy, and by 12 meridian, eighteen hours of hard fighting had sensibly exhausted a large number, my last reserves had necessarily been disposed of, and the enemy was evidently receiving fresh reinforcements after each repulse; accordingly, about 1 p.m., I determined to withdraw from so unequal a conflict, securing such of the results of the victory of the day before as was then practicable.

Officers of my staff were immediately dispatched with the necessary orders to make the best dispositions for a deliberate, orderly withdrawal from the field, and to collect and post a reserve to meet the enemy should he attempt to push after us. In this connection I will mention particularly my Adjutant General, Colonel Jordan, who was of much assistance to me on this occasion, as he had already been on the field of battle on that and the preceding day.

About two o’clock, p.m., the lines in advance which had repulsed the enemy in their last fierce assault on our left and centre, received the orders to retire; this was done with uncommon steadiness, and the enemy made no attempt to follow.

The line of troops established to cover this movement had been disposed on a favorable ridge, commanding the ground of Shiloh Church; from this position our artillery played upon the woods beyond for a while, but upon no visible enemy and without reply. Soon, satisfied that no serious pursuit would be attempted, this last line was withdrawn, and never did troops leave a battlefield in better order; even the stragglers fell into the ranks and marched off with those who had stood more steadily by their colors. A second strong position was taken up about a mile in rear, where the approach of the enemy was waited for nearly an hour, but no effort to follow was made, and only a small detachment of horsemen could be seen at a distance from this last position, wearily observing our movements.

Arranging, through my staff officers, for the completion of the movements thus begun, Brigadier General Breckinridge was left with his command as a rear guard to hold the ground he had occupied the night preceding the first battle, just in front of the intersection of the Pittsburg and Hamburg roads, about four miles from the former place, while the rest of the army passed to the rear in excellent order.

On the following day Gen. Breckinridge fell back about three miles to Vicksburg, which position we continued to hold, with our cavalry thrown considerably forward in immediate proximity to the battlefield.

Unfortunately, towards night of the 7th inst., it began to rain heavily; this continued throughout the night; the roads became almost impassable in many places, and much hardship and suffering now ensued before all the regiments reached their encampments; but, despite the heavy casualties of the two eventful days of the 6th and 7th of April, this army is more confident of ultimate success than before its encounter with the enemy.

To Major Generals Polk, Bragg, and Hardee, commanding corps, and to Brigadier General Breckinridge, commanding the reserve, the country is greatly indebted for the zeal, intelligence, and energy with which all orders were executed – for the foresight and military ability they displayed in the absence of instructions in the many exigencies of the battle, on a field so densely wooded and broken, and for their fearless deportment as they repeatedly led their commands personally to the onset upon their powerful adversary. It was under these circumstances that General Bragg had two horses shot under him, that Major General Hardee was slightly wounded, his coat rent by balls, and his horse disabled, and that Major General Breckinridge was twice struck by spent balls.

For the services of their gallant subordinate commanders, and of other officers, as well as for the details of the battlefield, I must refer to the reports of corps, division, and brigade commanders, which shall be forwarded as soon as received.

To give more in detail the operations of the two battles resulting from the movement on Pittsburg than now attempted, must have delayed this report for weeks, and interfered materially with the important duties of my position; but I may be permitted to say, that not only did the obstinate conflict for twelve hours on Sunday leave the Confederate army masters of the battlefield, and our adversary beaten, but we left the field on the next day only after eight hours’ incessant battle, with a superior army of fresh troops, whom we had repulsed in every attack on our lines – so repulsed and crippled, indeed, as to leave it unable to take the field, for the campaign for which it was collected and equipped at such enormous expense, and with such profusion of all the appliances of war. These successful results were not achieved, however, as before said, without severe loss, a loss not to be measured by the number of the slain and wounded, but by the high social and personal worth of so large a number of those who were killed or disabled, including the commander of the forces, whose high qualities will be greatly missed in the momentous campaign impending.

I deeply regret to record also the death of the Hon. George M. Johnston, Provisional Governor of Kentucky, who went into action with the Kentucky troops, and continually inspired them by his words and example. Having his horse shot under him on Sunday, he entered the ranks of a Kentucky regiment on Monday, and fell mortally wounded towards the close of the day. Not his State alone, but the whole Confederacy, has sustained a great loss in the death of this brave, upright and able man.

Another gallant and able soldier and captain was lost to the service of the country, when Brigadier General Gladden, commanding first brigade, Withers’ division, second army corps, died from a severe wound received on the 6th instant, after having been conspicuous to his whole corps and the army for courage and capacity.

Major General Cheatham, commanding first division, first corps, was slightly wounded, and had three horses shot under him.

Brigadier General Clark, commanding second division of the first corps, received a severe wound also on the first day, which will deprive the army of his valuable services for some time.

Brigadier General Hindman, engaged in the outset of the battle, was conspicuous for a cool courage efficiently employed in leading his men ever into the thickest of the fray, until his horse was shot under him, and he was unfortunately so severely injured by the fall that the army was deprived, on the following day, of his chivalrous example.

Brigadier Generals B. R. Johnston and Bowen, most meritorious officers, were also severely wounded in the first combat, but it is hoped will soon be able to return to duty with their brigades.

To mention the many field officers who died or were wounded while gallantly leading their commands into action, and the many brilliant instances of individual courage displayed by officers and men in the twenty hours of battle, is impossible at this time; but their names will be duly made known to their countrymen.

The immediate staff of the lamented Commander-in-Chief, who accompanied him to the field, rendered efficient service, and, either by his side or in carrying his orders, shared his exposures to the casualties of a well- contested battlefield. I beg to commend their names to the notice of the War Department, namely: of Capt. H. P. Brewster and N. Wickliffe, of the Adjutant and Inspector General’s Department.

Captain Theodore O’Hara, Acting Inspector General.

Lieutenants George Baylor and Thomas M. Jack, Aids-de-Camp.

Volunteer Aids-de-Camp Colonel Wm. Preston, Major D. M. Hayden, E. W. Munford, and Calhoun Benham.

Major Albert J. Smith and Captain Wickham, Quartermaster Department.

To these gentlemen was assigned the last sad duty of accompanying the remains of their lamented chief from the field, except Captains Brewster and Wickliffe, who remained, and rendered valuable services as staff officers on the 7th of April.

Governor Isham G. Harris, of Tennessee, went upon the field with General Johnston, was by his side when he was shot, aided him from his horse, and received him in his arms when he died; subsequently the Governor joined my staff and remained with me throughout the next day, except when carrying orders or engaged in encouraging the troops of his own State, to whom he gave a conspicuous example of coolness, zeal and intrepidity.

I am also under many obligations to my own general, personal and volunteer staff, many of whom have been so long associated with me. I append a list of those present on the field on both days, and whose duties carried them constantly under fire, namely: Colonel Thomas Jordan, Captain Clifton H. Smith, and Lieutenant John M. Otey, Adjutant General Department.

Major George W. Brent, Acting Inspector General; Colonel R. B. Lee, Chief of Subsistence, whose horse was wounded; Lieutenant Colonel S. W. Ferguson, and Lieutenant A. R. Chisolm, Aids-de-Camp.

Volunteer Aids-de-Camp, Col. Jacob Thompson, Major Numa Augustine, Major H. E. Peyton, Capt. Albert Ferry, Capt. B. B. Waddell.

Capt. W. W. Porter of Major General Crittenden’s staff also reported for duty, and shared the duties of my volunteer staff on Monday.

Brigadier General Tradeau of Louisiana volunteers also, for a part of the first dayconflict, was with me as a volunteer aid.

Captain E. H. Cunnings, signal officer, also, was actively employed as a staff officer on both days.

Nor must I fail to mention that Private W. E. Goolsby, Eleventh Regiment Virginia Volunteers, orderly to my headquarters since last June, repeatedly employed to carry my verbal orders to the field, discharged the duty with great zeal and intelligence.

Other members of my staff were necessarily absent from the immediate field of battle, entrusted with responsible duties at these headquarters, namely: Capt. F. H. Jordan, Assistant Adjutant General, in charge of general headquarters.

Major Eugene E. McLean, Chief Quartermaster, Capt. E. Deslonde, Quartermaster’s Department.

Lieut. Col. Ferguson, Aid-de-Camp, early on Monday, was assigned to command and direct the movements of a brigade of the Second Corps.

Lieut. Col. Gilmer, Chief Engineer, after having performed the important and various duties of his place, with distinction to himself, and material benefit to his country, was wounded late on Monday. I trust, however, I shall not long be deprived of his essential services.

Capt. Lockett, Engineers Corps, Chief Assistant to Col. Gilmer, after having been employed in the duties of his corps on Sunday, was placed by me on Monday in command of a battalion without field officers. Capt. Fremeaux, Provisional Engineers, and Lots. Steel and Helm, also rendered material and ever dangerous service in the line of their duty.

Major General (now General) Braxton Bragg, in addition to his duties of chief of staff, as has been before stated, commanded his camps – much the largest in the field – on both days with signal capacity and soldiership.

Surgeon Ford, Medical Director; Surgeons R. L. Brodie and S. Choppin, Medical Inspectors, and Surgeon D. W. Yardell, Medical Director of the Western Department, with General Johnson, were present in the discharge of their arduous and high duties, which they performed with honors to their profession.

Captain Tom Saunders, Messrs. Scales and Metcalf, and Mr. Tully, of New Orleans, were of material aid in both days, ready to give news of the enemy’s positions and movements; regardless of exposure.

While thus partially making mention of some of those who rendered brilliant, gallant, or meritorious service in the field, I have aimed merely to notice those whose position would most probably exclude the record of their services from the reports of corps or subordinate commanders.

From this agreeable duty I turn to one in the highest degree unpleasant – one due, however, to the brave men under me, as a contrast to the behavior of most of the army who fought so heroically. I allude to the fact that some officers, non-commissioned officers and men abandoned their colors, early on the first day to pillage the captured encampments; others retired shamefully from the field on both days, while the thunder of cannon and the roar and rattle of musketry told them that their brothers were being slaughtered by the fresh legions of the enemy. I have ordered the names of the most conspicuous on this roll of laggards and cowards to be published on orders.

It remains to state that our loss in the two days in killed outright was 1,728; wounded, 8012; missing, 959 – making an aggregate of casualties of 10,699.

This sad list tells in simple language of the stout fight made by our countrymen in front of the rude log chapel of Shiloh, especially when it is known that on Monday, from exhaustion and other causes, not twenty thousand men on our side could be brought into action.

Of the losses of the enemy I have no exact knowledge. Their newspapers report it as very heavy. Unquestionably it was greater, even in proportion, than our own on both days, for it was apparent to all that their dead left on the field outnumbered ours two to one.

Their casualties, therefore, cannot have fallen short of twenty thousand in killed, wounded, prisoners, and missing.

Through information derived from many sources, including the newspapers of the enemy, we engaged on Sunday the divisions of Generals Prentiss; Sherman, Hurlbut, McClernand, and Smith, of 9,000 men each, or at least 45,000 men. This force was reinforced on Sunday night by the divisions of Generals Nelson, McCook, Crittenden, and Thomas of Major General Buell’s army, some 25,000 strong, including all arms. Also General L. Wallace’s division of General Grant’s army, making at least 33,000 fresh troops, which added to the remnant of General Grant’s forces, on Monday morning amounting to over 20,000, made an aggregate force of some 53,000 men, at least, arrayed against us on that day.

In connection with the results of the battle I should state that the most of our men who had inferior arms exchanged them for the improved arms of the enemy. […..] was driven on Sunday, was rendered useless or greatly damaged, except some of the tents.

With this are transmitted certain papers, to wit:

Order of movements marked ‘A,’ a list of captured flags marked ‘C,’ and a map of the field of battle marked ‘D.’

All of which is respectfully submitted through my volunteer Aid-de-Camp, Colonel Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, who has in charge the flags, standards and colors captured from the enemy.

I have the honor to be, General,

Your obedient servant.

G. T. BEAUREGARD, General Commanding.

To General S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General

Confederate States Army, Richmond, Virginia.

8 Brevoort Place, May 13th.

My Dear Girls: I have just come up to my own room from breakfast, and from the reading of your most welcome and satisfactory letter, my dear Eliza, written off West Point; and now before anything calls off my attention, or any visitors arrive to “sit the morning,” I have seated myself to thank you both, Georgy for her’s of the 8th, received on Saturday, and yours E., this morning. It is very thoughtful and kind in you to write at all, and I wonder how you can do it in the midst of such scenes! and yet how miserable it would be for us if we did not hear directly from your own pens of your welfare. I am as much and more at a loss than yourself where to begin to tell you all I want to say. .. . Miss H. and a lady friend were ushered in upon me this morning, the latter wishing to know all the particulars about the position of lady nurses down at Yorktown, and what was particularly required of them, as she had started from home with a “strong impulse” to offer her services. All I could tell her was that “a desire to be useful, plain common sense, energetic action, fortitude, and a working apron, were some of the absolute essentials!–not to be a looker-on, but a doer–to take hold with a good will and a kind heart. She left with a feeling that perhaps she could be quite as useful without going down to Yorktown! I have no doubt she can. . . . Charley must have seen you before this. He will tell you all about his getting off and our being on board with him. He took a quantity of things for himself and you girls, which I hope you may find useful. I told him to help himself from the long basket, and use anything he wanted for himself or others on the voyage. The fruit, I was afraid, might not keep. The fresh eggs were from Fishkill, especially for you, E. I long to hear from Charley all about his trip, and I wonder much whether he will come back in the boat or stay behind. I think it will be better, perhaps, for him to make the trip back here, and then return to stay with you. But this you will, of course, arrange among you. . . . So you have both seen Fortress Monroe, and landed, in spite of Stanton and his strict rules! I am glad of it. You are certainly highly favored girls, and I must give way to a little motherly feeling and say you deserve it all. You cannot imagine what our anxieties have been since the commencement of McClellan’s move to push the enemy to the wall. The evacuation of Yorktown took us by surprise, and somehow or other we do not seem to get up the proper degree of enthusiasm about it. The subsequent doings, with the destruction of the much dreaded Merrimac, have not called forth the jubilant demonstrations throughout the cornmunity here that I supposed such news would produce. They seem to be waiting for the occupation of Richmond to burst out with a joyous and prolonged expression of their feelings. Think of our troops being so near the desired “on to Richmond!” We can scarcely realize all that has happened since our parting that Sunday morning. Oh! how lonely and sad I felt when I turned away from the window to the empty room, and the deserted little beds in the corners at the Ebbitt House. But Hatty and I made the most of each other. I did not leave her that day. . . . A young gentleman sent in his card last evening,–Julian T. Davies–and followed in. He came to see Mrs. Howland, as her name and Miss Woolsey’s were mentioned as having arrived here in the Ocean Queen. Mr. Hone had called for the same reason, and Mrs. Russell, I believe. Young D. said the report that Colonel Howland was wounded went up one aisle of the church in Fishkill, and immediately after, the contradiction went up the other, but he called to know what we had heard from you. You cannot tell what a relief and comfort your letter this morning gives us. I drove out on Saturday to Astoria with your Uncle E. Took an early dinner there, and then went up to Mary’s and sat with her till six o’clock. Found her perfectly well, and the children lovely. . . . Abby mails you the daily papers constantly; they must be taken by other eager hands. Do let us know if any men from the 16th are brought here. We would like to find them out. Jane is untiring in her visits and attentions at the Hospitals–Abby at her shirt-making and cutting out for others to make, and doing all sorts of good things in the intervals, and doing all the running for the family generally. We cannot prevail on her to take time or money to buy herself a spring bonnet or dress. My love to Charley. I do not write him, as he may be on his way back. Hatty is still in Philadelphia. I am so glad you have Lenox Hodge at hand. It is a real comfort to think of it–tell him so, with my love. Give a great deal of love to our own Joe from us all. We shall be so anxious now to hear all the time. We grasp at every paper. . . . Farewell, dear girls, with a kiss to each, and to Charley two, if with you. We look anxiously for the Daniel Webster. Dr. Buck came and told us all about you–exalted praises!

May 13, 1862, The Charleston Mercury

CAMP SIMONS, May 10, 1862.

At a meeting of the Yeadon Light Artillery, held on the parade ground of the Company, Captain JOHNSON presented the Hon. RICHARD YEADON to the Company, drawn up in double file.

Mr. Yeadon then addressed the corps, tending them his profound acknowledgements and heartfelt thanks for the honor, so unexpectedly conferred on him, and that without solicitations or agency on his party, by a stalwart and numerous soldiery, hitherto entire strangers to him, but whose acquaintance and improved good will it would be his pride and pleasure hereafter to cultivate and cherish. He then indulged in some remarks, appropriate to the times, and especially to the righteous war of defence, into which we had been forced, by a faithless enemy, who had trampled alike on the Constitution and the Bible, and violated the principles of the Declaration of Independence, their own charter of nationality, in their unholy war against our rights and institutions, and who had disgraced civilization, by a mode of warfare, exceeding in barbarity and outrage anything recorded of the ancient Vandal, or the modern Indian, with tomahawk and scalping knife to do his bloody and ferocious work. He expressed the belief that our cause was just and righteous, and that, in spite of occasional reverses, God would yet prosper the right, crown our arms with victory, and give us independence and nationality, with a full measure of prosperity, greatness and glory; and that the Yeadon Light Artillery, blasting the ears of the foe with the thunder and blinding their eyes with the lightning of their guns, would play a conspicuous part, and have a prominent agency, if allowed the opportunity, in mowing down the serried ranks of LINCOLN vandalism, and realizing the auspicious and glorious result of Southern independence. In the course of his remarks, he took care to cheer the Company with the news of the four-fold victory, under BEAUREGARD, the WASHINGTON of the existing revolution, Stonewall JACKSON, the Christian warrior, BRAGG and VAN DORN, and the commander at Sewell’s Point, with which he came charged, not omitting to state that the Virginia (the old Merrimac) had put the Yankee fleet to a Bull Run on the water, and that BEAUREGARD had put the Yankee soldiery to a Sheep Run on the land. The patriotic daughters of the Palmetto State, the ministering angels of the Hospital, and the self-sacrificing patrons of the gunboat enterprise, were also given their rightful and noble place in the picture. He renewed the expression of his heartfelt gratitude and closed by presenting the corps, through their Captain with his letter of acceptance and acknowledgement of the high and highly appreciated honor conferred on him. The welkin was then made to ring with three cheers for R. Y., and a vote was unanimously passed that the proceedings of the occasion, with the following letter of acceptance and acknowledgement, which was read to the corps, should be published in the Charleston papers.

After Mr. YEADON had concluded his remarks, the following communication was read:

CHARLESTON, MAY 10, 1862.

To the Officers and Soldiers of the Yeadon Light Infantry Artillery:

BROTHER SOLDIERS: The unexpected honor, which you have done me, in bestowing my name on your numerous and efficient corps, has penetrated my innermost heart and fitted me with gratitude to which words can give no adequate utterance. It affords me just and honest pride to be thus identified with a revolution that owes its origin to a faithless violation of constitutional compact, on the part of our once confederates, but now bitter and vindictive foes, and with a defensive war, waged against us, by a civilized foe, exceeding the ancient Vandal and the modern savage, in the barbarities of war – a war of injustice, outrage and fratricide. Utter strangers to me hitherto, it will be my pride and pleasure hereafter to cultivate your acquaintance and improve your good will, and also to watch and chronicle your deeds in arms, which I confidently anticipate will redound to your own glory and the emancipation of your country from Northern thraldom, more intolerable and hateful than Colonial bondage. We are in arms for our rights and the sacred privilege of self-government, asserted in the Declaration of Independence, and most inconsistently denied by those, who owe to that right, maintained at the point of the bayonet, by their and our ancestry, the nationality and independence they now enjoy. We are in arms for our homes and our altars, for our wives and daughters, and all the dear inmates of the homestead. Our cause is just and righteous; and, in spite of reverses, I confidently believe that God will prosper the right, and that He will give ultimate and conclusive victory to our arms – and may the lightning flash and booming thunder of the Yeadon Light Artillery contribute largely to the glorious result.

We are no longer, however, in the midst of reverses. Multitudinous victory has perched on our banner; Beauregard, the Washington of the existing revolution, has attacked and defeated the enemy, with great slaughter near Corinth; has pleased God to give Stonewall Jackson a great victory near Staunton; Generals Bragg and Van Dorn have won a decisive victory at Farmington, making havoc of the enemy, so that riderless horses are rushing into our exultant camp; SewellPoint has repelled the assault of the hostile fleet, and the Confederate Ram Virginia (the old Merrimac) has put the Yankees to a regular Bull Run, on the water. Such are the telegrams of the last night and this morning; and I heartily congratulate you on such great and glad tidings, suspicious of utter discomfiture to Lincolndom, and of restored peace and prosperity to our new desolate, suffering and bleeding country.

I again heartily and profoundly thank you for your kind and honoring consideration; and beg your acceptance of the inconsiderable enclosure *(two hundred dollars) to add to the comforts of camp life, and especially to solace the bedside of your sick soldiery.

With high respect and profound gratitude,

I am, your brother soldier, friend and servant,

RICHARD YEADON.

After the reading of the foregoing letter, three hearty cheers were given for the Hon. RICHARD YEADON, and Lieutenant ROGERS, in behalf of the Company, responded in the following words:

Mr. Yeadon – SIR: I know that I am speaking the mind of every man in our Company, when I say you shall never regret the name it has assumed, or have occasion to blush for the Yeadon Light Artillery.

Three cheers were then given for the ladies of Charleston and South Carolina.

The Hon. RICHARD YEADON was then unanimously elected an honorary member of the Company.

It was then agreed that these proceedings be recorded in the Minute Book of the Company, and published in the Charleston papers. *Inserted by the Secretary of the Company.

May 13, 1862, The Charleston Mercury

We get the following from the Savannah Republican of yesterday:

As there is much speculation, and some very erroneous rumors, with regard to the communication received by the commandant of this district, through a flag of truce, Friday last, it may be well to give a general statement of the facts as they are: It appears that the communication referred to was from General Benham, the Federal commandant at Fort Pulaski. Its sole object was to propose an exchange of the sick and wounded Confederate prisoners now in the fort, amounting, as he states, to twenty, for a like number of Federal prisoners now in our possession, and fit for service; the exchange men on both sides first to take an oath before their discharge from custody. This proposition was replied to by General Lawton, through a flag of truce on Saturday. Though anxious to secure the release of the Pulaski prisoners, he declined an exchange on the terms proposed: first, because under the terms of the capitulation of the fort, as published in Northern papers, and presumed to be authentic, the Federal commander expressly stipulated that the sick and wounded of the garrison should be under a flag of truce to the Confederate lines, there being no condition or consideration annexed, and hence, under a bona fide fulfilment of the contract, they should have been sent without a demand for an exchange, and immediately after the surrender, when the kind offices of friends were most needed. A proposition now, after a whole month has elapsed, and when it suited the purposes of the Federal commander to send a flag of truce, to exchange them for well prisoners in our custody, and after the unusual ceremony of administering an oath to the parties to be exchanged, was inadmissible, and promptly declined. No further communication has been received from the enemy.

12th.—Just returned from a visit to S. H. The family full of patriotism and very bright. While there, dear W’s horse and servant came home. His family bore it well, considering imprisonment the least casualty that could have befallen him. If Richmond is invested, that beautiful country will be in the hands of the enemy; the families (except the gentlemen) will remain at home to protect the property as best they may. They are now sending corn, bacon, etc., into Richmond for safety. None but the croakers believe for an instant that it will fall.

Two hours ago we heard of the destruction of the “Virginia” by our own people. It is a dreadful shock to the community. We can only hope that it was wisely done. Poor Norfolk must be given up. I can write no more to-day.

MAY 12th.—I suggested to the Provost Marshal several days ago that there was an act of Congress requiring the destruction of tobacco, whenever it might be in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy. He ran to Gen. Winder, and he to some one else, and then a hundred or more negroes, and as many wagons, were “pressed” by the detectives. They are now gathering the weed from all quarters, and piling it in “pressed” ware-houses, mixed with “combustibles,”ready for the conflagration.

And now the consuls from the different nations are claiming that all bought on foreign account ought to be spared the torch. Mr. Myers, the little old lawyer, has been employed to aid them. He told me to-day that none ought to be burnt, that the Yankees having already the tobacco of Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland, if we burn ours it will redound to their benefit, as it will enhance the price of that in their hands. That is a Benjamite argument. He hastened away to see the Secretary of State, and returned, saying, in high glee (supposing I concurred with him, of course), Mr. B. agreed with him. I told him, very gravely, that it mattered not who agreed with him; so soon as the enemy came to Richmond all the tobacco would be burned, as the retiring army would attend to it; several high officers were so resolved. He looked astounded, and departed.

Monday, 12th^[1]–Batallion drill today. Sixteen of the boys of our regiment failed to appear for the drill and later they were put into a squad by themselves under an officer and put through the drill until dark—that was their punishment for disobeying orders.

[1] On this day George T. Willcott of Company E died of fever in Scott County, Iowa, and George W. Simmons died of his wounds at Tipton, Iowa. This makes Company E’s loss in the battle of Shiloh, nine—six killed and three dying of their wounds.—A. G. D.

May 12th. Monday. Major Miner arrived at three A. M. Major Purington left early to report under arrest at Fort Scott. Miner commenced a rigid discipline and introduced a new system. Quite an alarm from shooting at an ox. Companies turned out.

May 12th.—Started for Clinton about 8 A. M.; went on train to Copper Hill. Had to leave our mess box; think we will get it again in few days. Marched and found regiment camped on bank of Clinch River, about sundown.

(Note: picture is of an unidentified Confederate soldier.)

May 12

       We are now in a great state of excitement, all the low country getting into the upper country. Flying from our Ruthless foes, we expect an attack and people are leaving their houses and families[,] servants and furniture, crowding up to the Rail Road. The upper districts are crowded with this unusual population and food is not abundant or cheap. The people in many instances take advantage of this state of things and put a great price on their houses refusing to rent but choosing to sell. Papa came from the country in wretched health and after remaining with us 3 weeks went with Mrs Butler to Spartanburg and there intend spending the summer. We have since heard of all his Bonyhab negroes going off and some of the Mount Hope. I expect they will all go. He is very weak and can hardly stand this state of things.—

       Mr Grimball went to Darlington to look for a place to put his negroes and to stay himself but saw nothing very satisfactory. A farm of 150 acres 15 miles from the Rail Road and a house in the sand hill near Darlington Court House.—He then went to Aiken and could not get fixed there it seemed too near the enemy.—We are now trying in Spartanburg, the last thing proposed was to take with Mrs Barnwell the Cherokee Springs for 1 thousand dollars for a year, Mrs B. paying 500. & we paying 500. Mrs Wilkins dividing our part with us. Mr Grimball went up to arrange it if possible. I do not feel at all certain about it for he might now refuse to rent it to us for that sum.—

       The Town is nearly deserted by the Inhabitants, there are some soldiers in it and the poor creatures will soon suffer from the effects of the climate, people look forward to a terrible summer. I feel perfectly dispondent at times but there is no use in that we must bear it as well as we can. Since the Fall of New Orleans and the Giving up of Nolfork I expect to hear of all sorts of dreadful things and it will be only necessary for the Gun boats to come here to have them take possession of the Town.—La!

Steamer Knickerbocker.

If my letter smells of “Yellow B.” sugar, it has a right to, as my paper is the cover of the sugar-box. Since I last wrote I have been jumping round from boat to boat, and Saturday came on board the Knickerbocker at Mr. Olmsted’s request, with Mrs. Strong and some others, to put things in order, and, privately, to be on hand to “hold” the boat, which had been made over to the Commission, over the heads of the New Jersey delegation. Dr. Asch was on board, and we had the New Jersey dinner table abolished and 56 Sanitary Commission beds made on the dining-room floor that night. The 200 wounded and sick brought down to Fortress Monroe under our care were transferred to the shore hospital, where we stole some roses for our patients on the Small. Saw regiments embarking for Norfolk, which surrendered the next day. Saw Mr. Lincoln driving past to take possession of Norfolk; and by Tuesday had the boat all in order again, with the single exception of a special-diet cooking-stove. So we went ashore at Gloster Point and ransacked all the abandoned rebel huts to find one, coming down finally upon the sutler of the “Enfants Perdus,” who was cooking something nice for the officers’ mess over a stove with four places for pots. This was too much to stand; so under a written authority given to “Dr. Olmsted” by the quartermaster of this department, we proceeded to rake out the sutler’s fire and lift off his pots, and he offered us his cart and mule to drag the stove to the boat and would take no pay! So through the wretched town filled with the debris of huts and camp furniture, old blankets, dirty cast-off clothing, smashed gun-carriages, exploded guns, vermin and filth everywhere, and along the sandy shore covered with cannon-balls, we followed the mule,–a triumphant procession, waving our broken bits of stovepipe and iron pot-covers. I left a polite message for the Colonel “Perdu,” which had to stand him in place of his lost dinner. I shall never understand what was the matter with that sutler, whose self-sacrifice was to secure some three hundred men their meals promptly.

We set up our stove in the Knickerbocker, unpacked tins and clothing, filled a linen-closet in each ward, made up beds for three hundred, set the kitchen in order, and arranged a black hole with a lock to it, where oranges, brandy and wine are stored box upon box; and got back to Yorktown to find everybody at work fitting up the “Spaulding.” I have a daily struggle with the darkeys in the kitchen, who protest against everything. About twenty men are fed from one pail of soup, and five from a loaf of bread, unless they are almost well, and then no amount of food is enough.

One gets toughened on one’s fourth hospital ship and now I could stop at nothing; but it is amusing to see the different ways taken to discover the same thing. Dr. McC.: “Well-my-dear-fellow-is-anything-the-matter-with-your-bowels-do-your-ears-ring-what-’s-your-name?” Dr. A.: “Turn over my friend, have you got the diaree?” Dr. A. was in a state of indignation with Miss Dix in the shore hospital at Yorktown. She has peculiar views on diet, not approving of meat, and treating all to arrowroot and farina, and by no means allowing crackers with gruel. “Them does not go with this,” as Dr. A. gracefully puts the words into Miss Dix’s mouth.

May 12th.–Mr. Chesnut says he is very glad he went to town. Everything in Charleston is so much more satisfactory than it is reported. Troops are in good spirits. It will take a lot of iron-clads to take that city.

Isaac Hayne said at dinner yesterday that both Beauregard and the President had a great opinion of Mr. Chesnut’s natural ability for strategy and military evolution. Hon. Mr. Barnwell concurred; that is, Mr. Barnwell had been told so by the President. “Then why did not the President offer me something better than an aideship?” “I heard he offered to make you a general last year, and you said you could not go over other men’s shoulders until you had earned promotion. You are too hard to please.” “No, not exactly that, I was only offered a colonelcy, and Mr. Barnwell persuaded me to stick to the Senate; then he wanted my place, and between the two stools I fell to the ground.”

My Molly will forget Lige and her babies, too. I asked her who sent me that beautiful bouquet I found on my center-table. “I give it to you. ‘Twas give to me.” And Molly was all wriggle, giggle, blush.

12th.–No move to-day. Still encamped near West Point. Selected out our men disabled by sickness, and sent them off to general hospital. This is usually the precurser of active work. The crisis approaches. Let it come.

Corinth and Hamburg Road, Miss., May 11, 1862.

You remember that in my last I spoke of a reconnoisance our people made on the 8th inst. On the 9th Beauregard returned it with interest, driving our advance back some two miles and almost scaring this wing of the Eagle. He appeared on our left flank, where I think Pope thought it impossible for him to reach, and drove Paine’s division from the front like a drove of sheep. Tis said that a charge made by the 2d Iowa Cavalry was the salvation of both of Paine’s brigades. The charge, if we hear correctly, was one of the most gallant things of the war. One of our battalions was out yesterday examining our left to see if the Rebels were still there. They found no signs of them, but on their return to camp were fired into by some of General Buford’s artillery, and one man killed by a 6-pound solid shot from Company A. There is almost incessant firing along the front but too light and scattering to forbode an immediate fight of itself, although ‘twould surprise no one to hear of the dance commencing at any hour. Corinth is a tremendously strong place, very [continue reading…]

MAY 11th.—The Baltimore detectives are the lords of the ascendant. They crook a finger, and the best carriages in the street pause, turn round, and are subject to their will. They loll and roll in glory. And they ride on horseback, too—government horses, or horses pressed from gentlemen’s stables. One word of remonstrance, and the poor victim is sent to Castle Godwin.

Sunday, 11th–The Iowa Brigade moved two miles to the right, nearer to Corinth, and some of our boys came in upon the rebel pickets. We established another camp—camp number 6. The Eleventh Iowa was relieved from picket duty this evening.

May 11th.

I –I am disgusted with myself. No unusual thing, but I am peculiarly disgusted this time. Last evening, I went to Mrs. Brunot’s, without an idea of going beyond, with my flag flying again. They were all going to the State House, so I went with them; to my great distress, some fifteen or twenty Federal officers were standing on the first terrace, stared at like wild beasts by the curious crowd. I had not expected to meet them, and felt a painful conviction that I was unnecessarily attracting attention, by an unladylike display of defiance, from the crowd gathered there. But what was I to do? I felt humiliated, conspicuous, everything that is painful and disagreeable; but – strike my colors in the face of the enemy? Never! Nettie and Sophie had them, too, but that was no consolation for the shame I suffered by such a display so totally distasteful to me. How I wished myself away, and chafed at my folly, and hated myself for being there, and every one for seeing me. I hope it will be a lesson to me always to remember a lady can gain nothing by such display.

I was not ashamed of the flag of my country, – I proved that by never attempting to remove it in spite of my mortification, – but [continue reading…]

11th. Sunday. Issued rations, slept and read Independent. Wrote to Fannie Andrews.