January 17, 1861, The New York Herald

The news from Washington this morning is of the highest importance. Col. Hayne, the Commissioner from South Carolina, was informed by the President on Tuesday that any communication he had to make must be made in writing. Col. Hayne thereupon withdrew, in order to prepare his propositions, but up to last evening had not sent his communication to the Executive. It is known, however, that Col. Hayne’s mission is to demand the prompt and unconditional surrender of Fort Sumter to the South Carolina authorities; and it is also know that the President will unequivocally and emphatically refuse to comply. Furthermore, it is known that the President has desptched orders to Major Anderson to act entirely on the defensive, but to defend Fort Sumter against any attack to the last extremity. Colonel Hayne asserts that if the fort is not given up oceans of blood will flow. That the South Carolinians will attempt to capture is beyond question. Their chances of success may be judged of upon perusal of a description of the fortification and its means of defence, given in another part of today paper.

We have reports of a terrible state of affairs on the Mississippi river. It is stated that the Mississippi secessionists have planted cannon at various points along the banks of the river, that one steamboat has been denied passage, while others have been overhauled, and that several respectable persons have been compelled to return to the places from whence they started. Although these reports are partially verified by a member of Congress, yet we must have them confirmed before placing implicit faith in them.

In Congress yesterday Messrs. Simmons and Anthony, of Rhode Island, addressed the Senate on the crisis, and on motion of Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire, the Crittenden adjustment was laid on the table by a vote of twenty-five to twenty-three. Subsequently, a motion was made to reconsider the vote, pending which the Senate adjourned. In executive session, the appointment of Mr. Taylor, chief Clerk of the New York Post Office, to the Postmastership, was confirmed. In the House the debate on the [continue reading…]

January 17, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

If there is any one thing more than another disheartening and disgusting, in the present juncture of affairs, it is the course of Southern politicians at Washington. In the past, their weak vacillations, their vain submissions, their short sighted selfishness, have reduced us to our present condition. Not the politicians or the people of the North have so far bound us, crippled us, plundered us. The politicians of the South have done the work. They were the guardians of our Southern rights in Congress, and the trust reposed in them they have abused – some from weakness – some from blindness – some through treachery. Verily it is pitiable. But the past is past. And were the same causes of Southern weakness and defeat buried with that past, it would be well for us all now: – and we should have no disposition at this tie to recall theses bitter facts, however fruitful they have been of present ills.

But, miserable to witness, they still exist – are still at work, marring and undermining our interest, and all our future prospects. Southern Senators, upon the floor of Congress, demean themselves by pitiable lamentations and lacrymose appeals to haughty, contemptuous, and openly threatening enemies – Republicans – Yankees.

It is

• not enough that they openly scout the Constitution

• not enough that they deny our territorial rights

• not enough that they rob us at their will

• not enough that they declare their intention to crush our own State institutions, industry and social organization [continue reading…]

January 17, 1861, The New York Herald

Our Washington despatches on Tuesday informed us of the arrival of the federal capital of Colonel Hayne – a special messenger from the Governor of South Carolina to the President of the United States. Col. Hayne’s errand was to demand the surrender of Fort Sumter to the authorities of South Carolina. The decision of the President, announced this morning, is that under no circumstances will the government resign possession of Fort Sumter; and it is understood that Major Anderson will be instructed to defend the post at all hazards.

It is very unfortunate that the question as to this comparatively unimportant point should have been raised just at this moment, when there is an opening for compromise. Except Sumter and some obscure works in Florida and Texas, the entire line of Southern seacoast defences are in the hands of the disunionists. Now, the Charleston people hold, to be consistent, they must remove the federal flag from Sumter, even if they are compelled to accomplish the act by force. As a matter of course, they would be sustained by all the Gulf States wherein federal property has been seized. Sumter might be taken by exhausting the garrison, or a general naval fight ensue, in which the city of Charleston would suffer severely and the best blood of Carolina flow in torrents. The cotton States would then come to the rescue, and the result would be a frightful civil war. Now, the sober, earnest, thinking men of all parties regard with aversion any movements that look to the arbitrament of the sword. At the same time it is a point of honor with all of us who still adhere to the Union that Fort Sumter should not be taken, and we believe that the forbearance of Major Anderson in the matter of the Star of the West should lead to equal consideration on the part of the Charleston authorities. They, however, seem to think that the presence of the federal flag on Sumter is a tacit defiance of the government which they have set up, and they feel the matter more deeply than any of us at the North can possibly imagine. [continue reading…]

To The Hon. W. H. SEWARD,

United States Senate, Washington, D. C.

New York, January 17, 1861

My Dear Sir,–I had intended for the last few days to express to you my sincere admiration of your patriotic and statesmanlike speech in the United States Senate, on Saturday last, but have been prevented by indisposition until to-day.

The graphic and masterly manner with which you depict the blessings of the Union, and the inevitable calamities of its dissolution, will, I trust, open the eyes of the extreme men on both sides to the madness of their course. In paying to your patriotism a willing tribute of the gratitude of a political opponent, for the manly stand which you have taken, may I also be allowed to express the hope that we may look forward to your leading your party further on in the path of moderate and conciliatory measures, which alone can save us from all the horrors of dissolution and civil war.

Without wishing for a moment to defend the revolutionary proceedings of South Carolina, and some of the other cotton States, I may be allowed to express my intimate conviction, based upon information from the most conservative men in the border States, that nothing can prevent Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Kentucky, from joining the movement of the cotton States, unless compromise measures, based upon the propositions of Senator Crittenden, can be carried bv a sufficient majority through Congress, to insure their embodiment in the Constitution.

I know that many, if not most of the Republican leaders are, until now, opposed to these measures, but do they represent the real feeling of their constituents? I think not; the large masses of our Northern people are, by an overwhelming majority, devotedly attached to the Union. They are ready and anxious to bring every sacrifice for its preservation, and will, to a man, abide by your doctrine: “Republicanism is subordinate to the Union, as every thing else is, and ought to be.”

If we could get at the true sentiment of our people throughout the North, I think we might get over our present difficulties; in fact, I do not see any other means of saving the Union. I therefore approve most cordially of your suggestion for a general convention, and hope only that you could be induced to modify your recommendation, so as to make this appeal now, and not in two or three years.

If, by a tardy action, the tobacco States are allowed to cast their lot with the seceders, and thus form a powerful Southern Confederacy of fifteen States, as they will most assuredly do unless an equitable compromise on the territorial question can be obtained, I .fear that a reconstruction of our confederacy would be utterly hopeless hereafter.

Providence has assigned to you a position of great and fearful responsibility in this crisis. You can preserve this great Union, with all its untold blessings, not only to the millions of freemen who congregate under its protecting wing, but to the oppressed in every portion of the inhabited globe. The downfall of our government would be the death-knell to political and religious liberty in both hemispheres. You have the sympathies of every patriot with you in the course which you have initiated by your great speech. The manifestations, on the part of prominent men of both parties, are most unequivocal in their sincere approbation of the stand which they hope to see you take.

Your efforts will entitle you to the gratitude of the whole American people, and vou will change the proud position of the great leader of a victorious party for the more exalted and honorable one of the benefactor and savior of your country.

George I. Durham[i] to Howell Cobb.

Austin, Texas, Jan’y 17/61.

Sir: I am directed by the Executive Committee to apprise you of the true condition of public sentiment in this State respecting our relations with the Federal Government.

Our Executive is hostile to the present movement of the Gulf States and will use every means in his power to prevent like action here, but our legislature meets on the 21st inst. and will sustain the convention which meets on the 28th following; that body will pass a secession ordinance to go into effect so soon as it can be ratified by the people; of our co-operation with the Gulf states there can be no doubt.

Should your State authorities desire to communicate with our convention any documents directed to Clement R. Johns (our State Comptroller), George M. Flournoy (our Attorney General), or myself, all of this city, will be immediately placed before them.

The sanctity of public correspondence trusted to the mail being often violated is the reason for suggesting the above course in preference to a direct communication with that body.

[i] Secretary of the Executive Committee of Texas.

Jacob Thompson[i] to Howell Cobb.

Washington, D. C, Jan’y 16th, 1861.

My Dear Cobb, I was glad to receive your letter a few days since. It came the same day that I resigned, and I got Robt. M. McGraw to show it to the President. He folded it up very quietly and returned it to me.

The President and Holt played the meanest trick on me in the world in sending the Star of the West to Charleston. When Holt was assigned to the Department of War, I came home, wrote my resignation and went back in the evening to give it to him in person. I told him the assignment of Holt to the War Department[ii] was considered by me the adoption of his line of policy, which made my withdrawal a necessity. The President replied—not at all, and no order should be issued without being first considered and decided in Cabinet. With this promise I could not resign.

A few days afterwards the question was up, and it was clearly decided to send a messenger to Major Anderson to learn his true condition and wishes. This was all that was decided, and the President’s letter to me is an afterthought and deceptive. The movement of the Star of the West was a strategetical movement of Gen’l Scott. He convinced Holt he could steal into Fort Sumter without discovery or collision. To do this it was necessary to keep the movement a secret, and as they all knew I would resign for such an order and thus blow the order, it was necessary to keep me in ignorance of it. This is the true theory of the whole matter. Since the expedition failed, I have thought it of no importance to push the facts. But I am determined to fortify myself.

Old Buck, at heart, is right and with us, but after Stanton came in, I have seen him gradually giving way. . . [continue reading…]

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 16, 1861.

Another wet misty day. Splashy sidewalks and mudy crossings. Letter from Frank today through Chas dated Fort Kearney, N.T., attached to the U.S. Army acting as comdt clerk, well & healthy. The “Secession fever” seems to me to be rather subsiding. The “Secession” Clerks in the Census Bureau were notified today that they could resign, otherwise they would be dismissed. The same thing should be done in all the Departments of the Govt. Went to the Assemblys church tonight to hear Mr. Collins Lecture on Japan, but the Lecture was on So. America. It was not uninteresting. There was also a Lecture at the “Smithsonian” on the Polarization of light, but it is too far off and the walking was too bad for wife.

The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of   Congress.

1861. January 16. – I have been kept for a week, and am still, in a state of great anxiety about the dangerous political excitements at home. The President has taken an attitude less friendly to the secessionists. This has been owing, it would seem, to the occupation of Fort Moultrie and the seizure of a revenue cutter, in the harbour of Charleston, by the South Carolina authorities. General Floyd, as Secretary of War, had pledged his honour to Governor Pickens that there should be no change in the status of the fortifications in the harbour.

Major Anderson, in command, with prudent strategy, shifted his little garrison of twenty men from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter. The South Carolina Commissioners at Washington protested, alleging breach of faith. Floyd demanded orders to Anderson to go back. The President declined. Governor Pickens sent militia into Fort Moultrie and seized a United States cutter. Floyd resigned on 29th of December, and his resignation was quietly accepted on the 31st by the President, who appointed Postmaster-General Holt to conduct the department until a successor was named. The President has addressed Congress, announced his determination to protect the property and collect the revenue of the United States with all the power at his disposal, and is said to have directed the frigate Brooklyn to be held in readiness at Norfolk, while two revenue cutters are proceeding to Charleston harbour, on board which a new Collector, McIntyre, of Pennsylvania, will exact the duties on imports. In the interim reinforcements are being sent to Southern garrisons, as a determination to seize them has shown itself in Georgia, Alabama, and North Carolina. These facts, if well founded, place the country in imminent risk of civil war; and if, at the bottom of the whole, there exist, as Mr. Daniel, our Minister to Turin, vehemently assured me on Monday last was the case, an immense majority in the South who desire disunion and have been preparing to accomplish it for twenty years, it would seem that a sanguinary convulsion is unavoidable. Perhaps a large movement of militia, similar to the one made by Washington in 1794 against our Whiskey Insurrection, would overawe the disaffected and restore tranquillity. Certainly, South Carolina has taken, by capturing forts and cutters, a more decisively insurrectionary character than could be attributed to the disorderly riots of Pennsylvania.

My old friend “Betsey Bonaparte” and her son have enlisted Berryer and Legrand in a trial to come of on the 25th inst., before the Court of First Instance in Paris, asserting the validity of the marriage of Jerome in Baltimore in 1803, and claiming to share in the property he has left. If the marriage be sustained, the necessary result would be the illegitimacy of Prince Napoleon and Princess Mathilde. Here is fine garbage for Imperial scandal! and “Betsey” is not one, though she can’t lack much of eighty, to shrink in the pursuit of money or to be scared by a crown.

January 16, 1861, The New York Herald

Since the secession movement has gained head the telegraph has been charged with giving it impetus by the circulation of false and exciting rumors. Those who make such accusations neither take the trouble of weighing the facts nor of contrasting the advantages of the present rapid mode of transmitting intelligence with that of the old mail system. In the first place the telegraph, as an instrument of communication, is no more responsible for the character of the news flashed over its wires than the Post Office is responsible for the contents of the letters forwarded through it. It has not and never can exercise any power of censorship, for the simple reason that it would lose the confidence of the public the moment that it attempted to do so and would forfeit its character as a purely commercial enterprise.

But it remains to be proved that the telegraph is not in every way as reliable in its confidential aspects as it is in point of rapidity. We contend that it is. There are infinitely less inducements to fabricate news by its instrumentality than under the old mail system. because its contradiction by the same means can be so immediately arrived at. No stock exchange operation can be successfully carried out by its aid, because people are always on their guard against a surprise, and lose no time in verifying the information sent.

As regards the unreliability of the political reports and rumors transmitted by telegraph in connection with the South, there is no real ground of complaint. Very little news of this kind has been forwarded or received which had not some foundation in fact. With the public mind in such a state of feverish anxiety, and such a rapid instrument of communication at their command, it is not of course to be expected that newspaper correspondents will always wait for the full developments of events. It generally happens, however, that when the intelligence they send is contradicted by interested parties, it is borne out by later news. The telegraph correspondents employed by newspapers are not infallible; but it is due to them to say that, generally speaking, they are correctly [continue reading…]

January 16, 1861, The New York Herald

The Cabinet had a meeting yesterday, and decided to send any reinforcements to major Anderson at present. The instructions to the Major have not yet been completed.

Messrs. Hayne and Guardin, messengers from the Governor of South Carolina, and Lieut. Hall, bearer of despatches from Major Anderson, arrived at Washington yesterday. The latter immediately sought an interview with the President, but the object of his mission had not been made public. Nothing had officially transpired respecting the mission of the gentlemen from South Carolina, but it was believed to have reference to measures for the prevention of hostilities.

There is but little news of importance from Charleston. The South Carolina Legislature has declared that any attempt by the federal government to reinforce Fort Sumter will be regarded as an act of open hostility and a declaration of war. The Legislature has approved of the attack upon the Star of the West, and decided to support the Governor in all measures of defence. Military companies were arriving at Charleston from all parts of the State. Governor Pickens has telegraphed to the President of the Bank of the Republic, of this city, that no vessel will be disturbed or prevented from entering the harbor of Charleston, unless bearing hostile troops or munitions of war for Fort Sumter.

A telegraphic despatch received by Messrs. Spofford, Tileston & Co., dated Charleston, January 13, states that it was blowing a gale from the northeast, with a heavy sea on the bar, and that the steamship Marion was detained, but would sail when the weather moderates.

Both houses of Congress were yesterday engaged upon the ending troubles of the nation. In the Senate Mr. Bigler offered amendments to the constitution similar to those embraced in the Crittenden propositions. The bill provides for submitting the [continue reading…]

January 16, 1861, The New York Herald

It is certainly very gratifying to all of us dwellers in the commercial metropolis to know that the Empire City stands firm for Union, the constitution and the enforcement of the laws. The hard times have thrown at least fifteen thousand workingmen out of employment, but as yet there have been no disturbances of the peace, nor any marked increase in crimes against property. The laboring population of New York is the most patient, orderly, law loving and forbearing in the world. Were England and France disturbed as this country is at present, the mobs of London and Paris could only be restrained by military force. Here, however, we have no mob, so to speak. The people meet peaceably and discuss the questions of the day in an orderly manner, as the workingmen’s gathering did last night. It is a little curious to see that the place where the workingmen held their meeting is located upon the site of the ‘Temple of Reason,’ from which Fanny Wright enunciated her peculiar doctrines twenty-five years ago, and the workingmen may find in the circumstance occasion for the reflection that, next to the philosophers who seek to overthrow the social fabric, the professed politicians are the most dangerous persons in the community. Everybody should pray that we may be delivered both from the pseudo philanthropists and the trading politicians. Let the workingmen keep a sharp lookout for the latter.

January 16, 1861, The New York Herald

Our Washington despatches reveal the object of the mission of Colonel Hayne, the envoy of South Carolina to Washington. It is to demand of the federal government the surrender of Fort Sumter. The South Carolina authorities notified Major Anderson of their determination to capture the fort if it was not given up, and the Major in reply stated that he had no alternative but to defend it. He, however, agreed to refer the subject for decision to his superiors. It is stated that the president will not yield to the proposition of Colonel Hayne. There appears to be no doubt that if the fort is not surrendered the South Carolinians will attack it.

In Congress yesterday the Senate was engaged in discussing the Pacific Railroad, having, by a large majority, refused to postpone its consideration in order to take up the Crittenden resolutions. In the House Mr. Reagan, of Texas; Stanton, of Ohio; and others, discussed the perilous condition of the country.

The proceedings of the Legislature yesterday were important, but we have no space for a more extended reference to them. Full details are given in our despatches and reports.

An enthusiastic demonstration of the working men of New York City against coercing the Southern States was held in Broome street last night. The attendance was very large, and the sentiments expressed and resolutions passed were of the most decided character. The meeting was addressed by several well known gentlemen. We supply a report of the proceedings elsewhere in this day’s paper.

A spontaneous Union demonstration took place at the Oliver street Baptist church last evening. The occasion was the Sunday School anniversary, and Mr. Lucius Hart was the speaker. An account will be found elsewhere.

January 16, 1861, The New York Herald

Much disappointment was manifested yesterday morning by a number of persons when, on arriving at the Park, they found there was no skating, although the flags on the cars still stated that the ball was up. Such deception on the part of the avenue railroad managers may have induced a few persons to ride yesterday, but it will ultimately tend to their disadvantage; for, like the hoax on the M.P., when really true, the statement will not be believed. On arriving at the Park, not only was the ball down, but also the white flag over the round house – the red pennant of danger waving in its stead. The reason of this course of action was that the ice was very soft, and, if skating had been allowed, it would have been so wretchedly and roughly cut up that it would have destroyed it for skating during the whole season. Further than this, nearly two hundred men were engaged clearing off the snow and all other impediments from the surface, and it was deemed the better course to allow them full scope for their work for at least one day. Should frost set in before a thaw, or another heavy rain, the ice will then be in a first rate condition. So hope on, boys.

The heavy rains of the preceding night had made the paths and the drives in anything but an agreeable state for either pedestrian or sleighing parties. Yet the jingle of more than one, or even one hundred, sets of bells, told plainly that if ever so slight an opportunity exists for a sleigh ride our citizens will take advantage thereof. But a few persons were to be seen on foot, unless they had come there for the purpose of skating, and those very soon left the grounds, for the half diluted snow had a great effect on their .”

The roadways to the Park were in the most uncomfortable state imaginable, which those who walked very soon found out; for, what with the salt on the tracks the rain and the snow, we doubt if even alligator skin could have resisted its influence. Certainly the motto “nothing like leather” could only be made applicable when nothing better could be obtained.

January 16, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

The news from Washington last evening will strike every one with astonishment and regret, if not with alarm. It was expected, after the return of the Star of the West, that the settlement of the question which is now breaking up this republic would assume a less belligerent character, giving the conservatives of the country some hope of a peaceful solution of the trouble.

It now appears that the authorities of South Carolina are determined upon bloodshed unless they can have possession of all the forts in the harbor of Charleston. Colonel Hayne, the Commissioner from that State, who has just arrived in Washington, made the demand yesterday upon the Executive of the United States for the immediate and absolute surrender of Fort Sumter to South Carolina or , accept the alternative of an attack by the troops of that state upon that castle. We were not apprised, when our paper went to press this morning, what reply the President made to Colonel Hayne; but it was thought, from the position lately assumed by the government, that this extraordinary demand of South Carolina would not be complied with.

Our previously received intelligence from Charleston advised us of the determination of the authorities to take the fort at any sacrifice of life, and of arrangements which had been made to carry this determination into effect. The effort will no doubt be made, for its capture seems to be a point of honor with South Carolina; and it is the opinion of many military men that, with the reckless enthusiasm now prevailing in Charleston, the attack will be a successful one, although, if resisted, with immense loss of life.

We are thus on the eve of civil war. If the President refuses to withdraw Major Anderson it will become necessary to strengthen him with men and ships if an assault be made upon the castle. These reinforcements will create such intense feeling of hostility [continue reading…]

January 16, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

The Northern papers, just at present, are filled with an amazing quantity of trash. Even those whose antecedents would lead one to suppose that they contained some fair amount of discrimination and common sense, seem now groping about like children in the dark, with gaping mouths, uttering unutterably silly comments, speculations, assertions, threats and propositions. Among other follies we hear it proposed, as a wise and pacific measure, that our ports should be blockaded by an attempt to collect our revenues, but not, in any way, to molest us. Could anything be more preposterous!?

The State of South Carolina is now an independent Republic, or she is not. South Carolina claims and asserts that she is independent, and that she will maintain it. This being the fact, to attempt to collect her revenues is simply war. It is a hostile blockade. It is an armed invasion of her waters. It is war, and nothing but open war. Neither Yankee peddlers nor Federal politicians, nor military braggadocio, nor Cabinet machinations, can make it any thing else but war. The time has passed for this child’s play, hairsplitting, and word quibbling. Facts must be faced. An outraged and long oppressed people must be faced. War or peace must be faced, and must be faced promptly. The people of South Carolina are an independent people, or they are not. Any act committed by any other power against their independence is war. Why need men waste words in quibbling and twaddle? If men or Cabinets mean war they shall have it, by its right name, and in its full significance. But let them not deceive themselves, or others, by the vain supposition that they are playing push pins with idiots or children; or that it is all a game of shuffling politicians, where treachery and trickery are to decide the result.

The insolent assumptions of the Northern people may laugh to scorn alike our rights and our power to maintain them. We shall not pause to define the one or to protect the other. The time has long since passed for the former course; the future must decide the latter point. We are privately of opinion that we know what are our rights, and publicly we intend to enforce them. Those who attempt to violate them will make war upon us, and will be met with war.

A truce, then, to folly. And, whether as foes or not, let the Northern people speak and act like men, and not as quibbling braggarts.

January 16, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

Feeling in the North and in the South.

OUR SPECIAL WASHINGTON DESPATCHES.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

Washington, January 15. –

It is currently rumored in reliable circles today, that the Administration will withdraw the troops from Forts Sumter and Pickens before the close of the present week.

A despatch has just been received from Governor ELLIS of North Carolina, saying that the State troops have been ordered to evacuate Fort Cassell, and that it would be again placed in the hands of the Federal authorities.

All the Northern Democratic Senators, except THOMPSON and DOUGLAS, justify the secession movement.

The Southern Senators will all withdraw, but will not resign, in consequence of the embarrassment that would ensue in filling the vacancies upon the committees. No such vacancies now exits, as the Senate does not recognize the mere withdrawal.

Col. ALDEN late of the Unites States Army, is here, and will tender his service to South Carolina.

The Navy Department received today the following despatch from Flag Officer ARMSTRONG at Pensacola. [continue reading…]

January 16, 1861, The New York Herald

The policy which Mr. Seward’s speech of Saturday insinuates, rather than avows, foreshadowing, as it does, some germs of good, correctly indicates to what extent republicans fanaticism has begun to recoil before the avalanche of destruction which is tottering over the country. Louis XI bows low, in his craft, before the stirrup of his victorious brother of Burgundy, [….] and humbly begs for time. A little delay, only, and he will grant everything. True, if he cannot gain the sought for truce he must yield everything; instead of promises he must, if required, hand over his crown. Mr. Seward emulates his prototype and will consent to any concessions the eccentric movements of secession and disunion shall have ended – one, two or three years hence. While he may, he reiterates now; only calmness shall have resumed its accustomed sway over the public mind, then, and not until then is he prepared to yield those which the changes of society and alternations of empire require. ‘Sagacious Seward, whose manifesto, like the proffers of Louis XI in his imprisonment, ends with a gigantic, indispensable .’ He says that we are the midst of alarms, and somewhat exposed to accidents, unavoidable in seasons of tempestuous passions,’, therefore, although he would prefer above all things such procrastination as may yet insure that cotton and rice fields of South Carolina and the sugar plantations of Louisiana shall ultimately be tilled with free labor,’’– and this is his most significant utterance, as the mouthpiece of Mr. Lincoln – sacrifices, private or public, shall be needful for the Union, they will be made. And with a foresight as to what those sacrifices, instigated by himself as Premier of the incoming administration may be, he adds: ‘The Union shall continue and endure; and men in after times shall declare that this generation, which saved the Union from such sudden and unlooked for dangers, surpassed in magnanimity even that one which laid its foundations in the eternal principles of liberty, justice and humanity.’

Mr. Seward’s programme for the future is, nevertheless, unbloody and compromising enough to be infinitely displeasing to the Wades, Sumners, Giddingses, Washburnes, [continue reading…]

January 16, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

New York, January 12, 1861.

M.G. ROBERTS, Esq;

SIR: After leaving the wharf on the 5th inst. at five o’clock, p.m., we proceeded down the bay, where we hove to and took on board four officers and two hundred soldiers, with their arms, ammunitions, &c. and then proceeded to sea, crossing the bar at nine o’clock p.m. Nothing unusual took place during the passage, which was a pleasant one for the season of the year.

We arrived off Charleston bar at 1:30 a.m. the 9th instant, but could find no guiding marks for the bar, as the lights were all out. We proceeded with caution, running very slow, and sounding until about 4 a.m. being then in four and a half fathoms of water, when we discovered a light through the haze, which at that time crossed the horizon. Concluding that the light was on Fort Sumter, after getting the bearings of it, we steered to the S. W. for the main ship channel, when we hove to await daylight, our lights having all been put out since 12 o’clock to avoid being seen.

As the day began to break, (we) discovered a steamer just in shore of us, which, as soon as she saw us, burned one blue light and two red lights, as signals, and shortly after steamed over the bar and into the ship channel. The soldiers were now all put below and no one allowed on the deck except our own crew. As soon as there was light enough to see, we crossed the bar and proceeded on up the channel (the outer bar buoy having been taken away). The steamer ahead of us sending off rockets and burning lights until after broad daylight continuing on her course up, near two miles ahead of us.

When we arrived about two miles from Fort Moultrie – Fort Sumter being about the same distance – a masked battery on Morris’s Island, where there was a red Palmetto flag flying, opened fire upon us – distance about five eighths of a mile. We had the American flag flying at our flag staff at the time, and, soon after the first shot, hoisted a large American ensign at the fore. We continued on under the fire of the battery for over ten minutes – several of the shots going clean over us.

One passed just clear of the pilot house. Another passed between the smoke stack and walking beams of the engine.

Another struck the ship just abaft the forerigging, and stove in the planking, and another came within an ace of carrying away the rudder.

At the same time, there was a movement of two steamers from near Fort Moultrie – one of them towing a schooner – (I presume an armed schooner) with the intention of cutting us off.

Our position now became rather critical; as we had to approach Fort Moultrie to within three fourths of a mile before we could keep away for Fort Sumter. A steamer approaching us with an armed schooner in tow, and the battery, on the island firing at us all the time – and having no cannon to defend ourselves from the attack of the vessels, we concluded that to avoid certain capture or destruction we would endeavor to get to sea. Consequently we wore round and steamed down the channel, the battery firing upon us until their shot fell short. As it was now strong ebb tide, and the water having fallen some three feet, we proceeded with caution, and crossed the bar safely at 8:50 a. m. and continued on our course for this port, were we arrived this morning after a boisterous passage.

A steamer from Charleston followed us for about three hours, watching our movements. In justice to the officers and crew of each department of the ship, I must add that their behavior while under the fire of the battery reflected great credit on them. Mr. Brewer, the New York pilot, was of very great assistance to me, in helping to pilot the ship over Charleston Bar, and up and down the channel.

Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant, J. McGOWAN, Captain.

January 16, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

The Gothamites were jubilant on Thursday evening, over the following refreshing intelligence, which was circulated in the streets in the form of an extra, and on which some of the enterprising newsboys made a fortune:

EXTRA.

Latest from Charleston.

Lieut. Hall, who was despatched by Major Anderson with a flag of truce to confer with the Governor and Council of Charleston on the recent outrage on the part of that Government in opening fire from the batteries of Morris Island on the steamer Star of the West in route to Fort Sumter, having returned from his mission, the result of which is yet unknown. About six hours afterwards, Fort Sumter opened fire on Fort Moultrie and Castle Pinckney, and after almost destructive and well sustained fire on both sides, Fort Moultrie had to succumb to the prowess of the gallant Major Anderson.

The garrison retreated with a loss, it is believed, of 20 killed and a large number of wounded. Castle Pinckney was soon after evacuated, having been set on fire by hot shot. The troops were conveyed by boats to the capital. The wounded received every possible attention from the authorities, the ladies assisting in their work of love, who, with their bright eyes and careful attention, tended to soothe the pains and sorrows of their afflicted brethren.

The loss of Major Anderson’s side was comparatively small, but this is readily explained from the fact that the guns from Fort Moultrie being of much smaller calibre, and not so effectively handled by the South Carolinians.

We deplore greatly the loss of life and property in this bloody affair, but the old adage, [continue reading…]

–The names of William L. Yancey of Alabama, and James H. Hammond of South Carolina, appear in the Apalachicola Times of this day, as candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency of the Southern Confederacy.

WAR DEPARTMENT, January 16, 1861.

Maj. ROBERT ANDERSON,
First Artillery, Commanding Fort Sumter:

SIR: Your dispatch No. 17, covering your correspondence with the governor of South Carolina, has been received from the hand of Lieutenant Talbot. You rightly designate the firing into the Star of the West as “an act of war,” and one which was actually committed without the slightest provocation. Had their act been perpetrated by a foreign nation, it would have been your imperative duty to have resented it with the whole force of your batteries. As, however, it was the work of the government of South Carolina, which is a member of this confederacy, and was prompted by the passions of a highly-inflamed population of citizens of the United States, your forbearance to return the fire is fully approved by the President. Unfortunately, the Government had not been able to make known to you that the Star of the West had sailed from New York for your relief, and hence, when she made her appearance in the harbor of Charleston, you did not feel the force of the obligation to protect her approach as you would naturally have done had this information reached you.

Your late dispatches, as well as the very intelligent statement of Lieutenant Talbot, have relieved the Government of the apprehensions previously entertained for your safety. In consequence, it is not its purpose at present to re-enforce you. The attempt to do so would, no doubt, be attended by a collision of arms and the effusion of blood–a national calamity which the President is most anxious, if possible, to avoid. You will, therefore, report frequently your condition, and the character and activity of the preparations, if any, which may be being made for an attack upon the fort, or for obstructing the Government in any endeavors it may make to strengthen your command.

Should your dispatches be of a nature too important to be intrusted to the mails, you will convey them by special messengers. Whenever, in your judgment, additional supplies or re-enforcements are necessary for your safety, or for a successful defense of the fort, you will at once communicate the fact to this Department, and a prompt and vigorous effort will be made to forward them.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. HOLT.

January 16, 1861

• The Georgia Secession Convention of 1861 convenes.
• The Crittenden Compromise dies on the floor of the Senate.

TUESDAY 15

Slippery, misty, foggy day. Good skating for the boys this morning in the street. A general impression seems to prevail that that [sic] the troubles of the Country are going to be healed some way, nobody can tell how. But there is a determination manifestly abroad that this Government shall not be broken up and that it will be defended and maintained at all hazzards and all costs. This determination on the part of the Administration and the whole United North seems to be felt by all. No particular news today. Spent the evening at Home reading first. Presidents Levee this Season, take little interest in them now.

The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of   Congress.

January 15, 1861, The New York Herald

I do not know that I can find language sufficiently strong to express to you the unanimity and intensity of the feeling in this region in opposition to the perpetuation of the Union under the rule of President Lincoln and a black republican administration. That there are among us men of a conservative tendency, and hopeful preservation of the rights and honor of the Southern States in the confederation, is true, and also a class upon whom the present depression of all material interests acts more powerfully than considerations of future political or social stability. But these are few, very few, in number, while the great majority are for secession without compromise on any terms.

As in the rest of the Gulf States that I have visited, the desire for revolution is paramount among the people, and the Union is constantly spoken of as both a danger and a disgrace that is to be averted and avoided. The benefits that it has conferred upon all sections of the country are never referred to, and seem to be entirely forgotten; and the fact that a revulsion of public sentiment may have occurred in the North, equal to that which has taken place in the South since the Presidential election, never seems to be for a moment considered possible. The popular majority which all the free States have exhibited for Lincoln is looked upon as irreversible, and the party slogan that slavery is evil and a crime,: and must be belted in with a line of socially hostile States, is accepted as the permanent opinion of the Northern people. It is not alone the fear of danger to their social organization that rouses the Southern communities to resistance and revolution; the moral obloquy that is conveyed in the sweeping condemnation of an institution which, in a community of mixed races, is considered to be the most wise, and consequently the most productive of high moral results, touches the honor of every Southern man and woman, and leads to that blind resentment which discards all considerations of material interest. The coming administration of Lincoln is looked upon as the embodiment of this moral slur upon Southern society and hence it is believed that submission to it will be an admission of inferiority in the face of the whole world. [continue reading…]