May
29
May 29, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
We have glorious tidings from the Border. A Southern Army has, at last, found a fighting leader. Rapid marches, splendid victories in quick succession, a routed and disorganized foe, and booty of inestimable value, tell us that a vigorous and aggressive campaign has at last begun. Stonewall JACKSON has shown himself a true General. In tracing, upon the map, the course of his victorious army, from Staunton to Martinsburg, the rapidity with which he has cleared the rich Valley of Virginia of the invaders seems almost incredible. Having driven BANKS and his army into Maryland, he has struck the line of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, effectually breaking up that great thoroughfare of Yankee transportation. We expect to hear next that he is leading his unconquerable battalions through Maryland into Pennsylvania.
The advance of JACKSON puts a new face upon the war. McCLELLAN must detach a portion of his Grand Army to hasten to the defence of Washington. Meantime, with her own gallant sons of the Old Line pouring in to the rescue, Maryland, we trust, will awake from her slumber, and Baltimore, throttled as she is by a military despotism, will send forth a new host to swell our advancing columns.
But we will not indulge in anticipations, the realization of which may be more distant than we think. For the present, certainly, the Potomac will again be the theatre of war; and, when that noble river is once more left in the background, we are confident that it will be because the tide of invasion has swept onward towards the Susquehannah.
May
29
May 29, 1862, The New York Herald
Warrenton is a post village of Warren county, Mississippi, and is situated on the Mississippi river, about eight miles below Vicksburg, with which it is connected by a good turnpike road. It contains about four or five stores, and had a population of about two hundred and fifty persons when the rebellion broke out. The county is situated in the western part of the State, bordering on Louisiana, and has an area of about seven hundred and twenty- five square miles, or four hundred and sixty-four thousand acres. It is bounded on the west by the Mississippi river, along the banks of which the village is built. The big Black river flows along the southeast border, and the Yazoo river intersects it. The surface of the country is generally level and low, except in the vicinity of Vicksburg, where the Walnut Hills rise several hundred feet above the river. The soil is alluvial and very fertile. The county is intersected by the Vicksburg and Brandon Railroad, and had a population at last returns of about eighteen thousand persons, of whom over two-thirds were slaves.
May
29
May 29, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
RICHMOND, Monday, May 26.
If Theophilus Thistle, the successful thistlesifter, in sifting a sieve full of unsifted thistles, thrust three thousand thistles into the thick of his thumb, then must Theophilus Thistle have been the Richmond correspondent of THE CHARLESTON MERCURY on Saturday last, endeavoring to sift the truth out of a city full of unsifted rumors, reports and […..] in regard to the skirmishes of that day. The nearest approach to the truth seems to be this: There were two engagements — one of artillery at Mechanicsville (a blacksmith’s shop and a dilapidated tavern are dignified with that name), and another of infantry at the New Bridge, on the Meadow Bridge road, which crosses the Chickahominy a mile and a half or two miles above Mechanicsville. In both of these engagements we were worsted — owing to the inferiority of our forces. Gen. Johnston refused to send reinforcements, his aim being, as many to suppose, to draw the enemy over, or to gain time for the completion of certain arrangements by which troops can be rapidly concentrated upon the field of the great battle. General Johnston is too acute to suppose that McClellan, the Cautious, will cross the swamp in force. He will occupy the bridges, while he pushes his men to the head of the Swamp, in the direction of the junction of the Central and Fredericksburg Roads, and there, I feel pretty sure, the great battle will take place. Anderson has already fallen back to the Junction, some of Stuart’s cavalry went forward on Saturday, and yesterday a heavy column of infantry marched after them. The rest of the army was engaged in cooking four days’ provisions, and this morning the wagons are bringing all the baggage into town. The Petersburg Road is held subject to orders for the transportation exclusively of troops. It is plain, therefore, that the battle is to be no child’s play, and that it will take place neither to-day nor to-morrow, as many imagine, but whenever the disposition of the scattered forces can be arranged to the satisfaction of the Generals.
A friend has just this moment come in to tell me of Jackson’s despatch to Gen. Lee, about the taking of 2000 prisoners at Winchester, 2000 more at Front Royal, all the baggage, etc., and still pursuing. This may alter the programme to some extent. It sends Shields and McDowell back to Washington, unless there are forces there of which we know nothing — only 3000 were there at last accounts — but McClellan must fight all the same. It will never do for him to go back to Washington again, or even to Fortress Monroe. He must fight where he is, against men inspired by the memories of Williamsburg and the recent victories of Jackson. An acquaintance, who rode through our lines, on the Chickahominy, yesterday, says he was told by Gen. Howell Cobb that the men were much exasperated by Johnston’s positive order for them to withdraw from the infantry fight of the day before — our cavalry having just come up to charge the enemy and rout him, as they would almost certainly have done. With this temper, among our soldiers, it is not unreasonable to expect excellent results from the great battle.
It seems Ewell did join Jackson last Thursday, as I stated, and both were engaged in the affair at Winchester. Some doubt was entertained about yesterday’s telegram concerning the Front Royal engagement, except by those who knew that Jackson had written to Hon. Mr. Boteler to come on, that the time had come when, according to promise made a month or more ago, he would take him home to his house in Jefferson county, not far from Harper’s Ferry.
Rather a strange Sunday spectacle was witnessed yesterday, to wit: a party of a dozen young men, armed with very long muskets, very small cartridge boxes and very large haversacks, going out to hunt Yankees. They returned without any game. Not a syllable from Corinth since Thursday last — strange! We are preparing to raise a balloon on Church Hill. As both armies are now bivouacing in the dense woods, this ballooning business does little good except when columns are in motion. If these are moved at night, balloons are of no use except to detect wagon trains. The Examiner has a good article against the defensive policy. The Enquirer says that Yankees are hanging guerillas, and calls for retaliation.
HERMES.
May
29
May 29, 1862, The New York Herald
In yesterday’s issue we published a despatch from General McClellan to Secretary Stanton reminding him that of the newspapers publish letters from their correspondents with the army, giving important information concerning our movements, positions of troops, &c., “in positive violation of your orders,” and suggesting that, as it is […..] to ascertain with certainty who these anonymous writers are, […..] order be published, holding the editors responsible for its infraction.”
This hint of General McClellan’s is a very reasonable one, and it is much more considerate and just than a general order driving all newspaper correspondents from his camps. He should have stated, however, in what newspapers the contraband information of which he complains has appeared. It is true that the correspondents of the newspapers write anonymously, and that General McClellan would find it difficult, perhaps to identify them; but certainly he must be aware of the names of the journals at fault, and he might have reported them to Secretary Stanton. As his despatch now reads all newspapers are blamed alike when obviously all are not to blame. The HERALD, for example, has been most careful in its publication of war news. Not only have we strictly cautioned our correspondents not to send contraband intelligence for publication, but we have always revised our war letters before printing them, and suppressed any news which might be of service to the enemy. We were informed by our reporter with General Banks’ division of the diminution of that corps d’ and of its consequent peril; but we refrained from giving this important information to the public until General Banks’ retreat made further concealment unnecessary. As in this instance, so in all others, the HERALD has been cautious to publish nothing concerning the strength, movements or positions of our forces, except in cases where it was evident that the enemy had been let into the secret by the cannon mount and could not be benefited by the HERALD’S disclosures.
But while this has been the practice of the HERALD since the commencement of hostilities and before any order from the War Department upon the subject we are aware that several other journals of this city have not exercised the same loyal and discreet caution in regard to their war news. Recently, however — and General McClellan’s order plainly refers to recent publications — we have noticed but one New York journal which has infracted the order of Secretary Stanton, and revealed the Union strength, movements, and plans to the enemy. This journal is the New York Times — to which paper, together with the babbling sheets of Cincinnati, Chicago and St. Louis, this complaint of General McClellan probably refers. For some time past the Hon. Henry Jenkins Raymond, editor of the Times, Speaker of the last Assembly and general “Little Villain,” has been following the army, and we have frequently noticed passages in his letters which were decidedly contraband. But what could have been expected of this little reprobate? All the army knew very well that Raymond’s tongue was as swift as his legs, and that he could not help prattling all he knew any more than he could help scampering from a phantom Austrian at Solferino or fleeing from the imaginary Black Horse cavalry at Bull run. Once, having dined with General Scott, Raymond published a report of the private, confidential conversation at table, and showed that he knew nothing of the usages of good society and less of the potency of good wine. Again having been invited to Fortress Monroe by General Butler, he revealed all the secrets of the fortress, to the intense indignation of the astonished General and the corresponding delight of the grateful rebels. It will be seen, there fore, that it is as impossible for Raymond to keep a secret as it is for poor Greeley to keep his temper, in both of which requisites of successful journalism we are, as Gay of the Tribune puts it, “ahead.” General McClellan ought never to have allowed Raymond to accompany his army, and then there would have been no such complaints. As for the editors responsible, that is hardly necessary, since the editors are responsible for their own papers already, and since such a provision would not include Raymond, who is editor and correspondent by turns, and would thus escape the penalty in some way; and who never could be held responsible for his revelations because he is decidedly non compos mentis, and would be acquitted by any court marital on the ground of moral insanity in regard to military news.
May
29
May 29, 1862, The New York Herald
Natchez was at one time the most populous and commercial city of the State of Mississippi and capital of Adams county. It is situated on the east bank of the Mississippi river, about 289 miles above New Orleans, over 900 miles below St. Louis, about 500 miles from Memphis and about 100 miles from Vicksburg. It is 100 miles from Jackson, the capital of the State, in a direct southwestern air line. It is pleasantly situated on a bluff, which rises about two hundred feet above the river, affording an extensive view of the immense cypress swamps of Louisiana. The surface of the ground in the city and in the adjacent country is undulating, and presents a striking contrast with the flat surface of the opposite side of the river. The streets of Natchez are wide and rectangular, and some of the public buildings are handsome. The private residences are mostly built of wood, and many of them have flower gardens and orange groves adjoining. Among the public buildings are the Court House, five or six churches, a hospital, orphan asylum and masonic hall. Previous to the rebellion several newspapers were published in the city, and had a tolerably good patronage. Within a few year of the commencement of this disastrous rebellion Natchez had increased considerably in importance and population, in consequence of its numerous flourishing seminaries and its public school, which was supported by a general taxation of the citizens. The latter averaged about five hundred pupils annually. Natchez was the centre of an extensive trade, of which cotton was the principal article. Steamboats were constantly arriving and departing from its wharves during its flourishing days; but, alas! how changed has become its river view and river trade. The heavy shipping business used to transacted in the lower part of the town, which part was designated “Natchez Under the Hill.” The last published returns gave the population at about six thousand. Adams county is situated in the southwestern part of the State, and has an area of about four hundred and forty square miles, or over two hundred and eighty thousand acres. The Mississippi river bounds it on the west, dividing it from Louisiana and the Homschitto on the south. The county is not of any very great local importance further than its connection with the above— described city, and contains a population of about eighteen thousand persons.
May
29
May 29, 1862, The New York Herald
Vicksburg is the capital of Warren county, Mississippi, and is a city and port of entry. It is situated on the Mississippi river, three hundred and ninety-five miles above New Orleans, and seven hundred and ninety-nine below St. Louis. It is distant by water from Cairo about six hundred and thirty miles, and from Memphis nearly four hundred miles. It is also over a hundred miles above Natchez, and eight miles from Warrenton. The distances to Vicksburg by rail, along the Southern Mississippi Railroad, &c., from the following places are also important at this time:—
From Jackson, Mississippi …44 miles
From Grand Junction, via Jackson… 257 ”
From Corinth, via Grand Junction and Jackson… 298 ”
From Memphis, via Grand Junction and Jackson… 309 ”
From New Orleans, via Jackson… 227 ”
From Meridian… 140 ”
From Mobile, via Meridian… 277 ”
The situation of the city is elevated, the ground uneven, and the style of buildings far from being compact or elegant. It contains, besides the county buildings, four or five churches and several academies for both sexes. Three daily newspapers are published here, and had a very fair patronage previous to the rebellion. Vicksburg was, before the present troubles, the most commercial place on the river between Memphis and Natchez, and was an important mart for cotton, of which article about one hundred thousand bales were annually exported. The greater part of this used to be received over the before mentioned railroad. Steamboats were in the habit of plying regularly between new Orleans and Vicksburg, and did a thriving trade. A railroad has been surveyed through Louisiana, from this place to Marshall, in Texas, via Shreveport, but is not yet completed farther than Monroe. The tonnage of this port, about two years since, was 215 7/8 tons, enrolled and licensed, and employed in steam navigation. The receipts of cotton by railroad for three years were as follows: — In 1850, about fifty thousand bales; in 1851, over sixty-two thousand, and in 1852, nearly ninety thousand. These numbers have greatly increased up to 1860, The population in 1850 was 3,678, being an in increase of one in six over that of 1840.
May
29
May 29, 1862, The New York Herald
Its Relative Position to Savannah and Brunswick.The Savanna News of the 17th inst. says that two Yankee steamers opened fire with shot and shell on Darien on Friday. No damage was done.
It is usual with the rebel journalists to assert that no damage was done by our forces in almost all our attacks upon their works and defences; but when our own accounts arrive we generally find the contrary to be the case.
SKETCH OF DARIEN.
Darien is a port of entry and capital of McIntosh county, Georgia, and is situated on the left bank of the Altahama river, about twelve miles from the sea, sixty miles southwest of Savannah, and nearly twenty miles due north from Brunswick. The situation of the place is far from healthy, being marshy and low. It had formerly an extensive trade in produce, a portion of which has been diverted to another market by the construction of the Central Railroad. Large quantities of pine lumber have been received here by the river, and the shipping of the port on the 30th of June, 1852, was three hundred and six tons registered and eight hundred and fifty-nine tons registered and eight hundred and fifty-nine tons enrolled and licensed. The foreign arrivals for that year were only three, with an aggregate of 724 tons, and the clearance for foreign ports six, with an aggregate of 1,359 tons. The town contains five churches, one academy and twelve stores, and had recently a population of about five hundred and fifty persons. The county is situated in the southeastern part of the State, bordering on the Atlantic, and has an area of six hundred and forty square miles, or over four hundred thousand acres. It is bounded on the southwest by the Altamaha river, and is drained by the Sapelo river and Doctor’s creek. The surface is nearly level and partly covered with pine forests. The soil along the Alltamaha is very fertile. The county was organized in 1798 and named in memory of the McIntosh family, early settlers of Georgia, The last returns gave the population of the county at about six thousand, of whom over three-fourths were slaves.
May
29
May 29, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
STONEWALL JACKSON’S VICTORIES ADVANCE TOWARDS THE POTOMAC.
The Richmond papers are jubilant over the recent victories of JACKSON in the Valley of Virginia. The Examiner thus comments upon his late successes:
The glorious tidings of General Jackson’s victory over Banks, the recovery of Winchester, the capture of four thousand prisoners, the annihilation of the invading army in the Valley, throws the splendor of sunlight over the long lines of the Confederate host. Once more we conquer. — Again the tide sets full in favor of the South. — Jackson’s magnificent exploit is enough of itself to illustrate a campaign; but we cannot refrain from the pleasing supposition that it is the forerunner, the noble omen of another battle and another victory, if not more signal and complete, yet on a grander scale and with more decisive results.
But it is not yet known what results Jackson may eliminate from the wonderful success which his bravery and long toil have fairly won at Winchester. A general expectation has prevailed among his devoted followers that he would soon lead them into Pennsylvania. Lincoln and his comrades at Washington have been, for some time past, in mortal terror that he should rush on their own seat of sin. After his victory over Milroy, the Federal Capital was in such a state of apprehension that packing and preparation for immediate departure were visible in all the Departments. So far as we know here in Richmond, there is now absolutely nothing to prevent Jackson from doing either the one or the other, Banks’ force was the last left capable of resisting him in that region, and, after the tremendous beating it has gotten at Winchester, it must necessarily be for some time quite ineffective. It would, indeed, be a soul-cheering thing if Jackson should now force his way to Washington City and startle the brood of harpies settled there in wait for the carcass of the South.
We may rest satisfied that this great blessing of Providence will be improved by the man to whom it has been vouchsafed. He is not one of those generals who spend their time in camps waiting for somebody else to do something. From the time of his entrance on command up to this moment he has continually marched and fought. If some of his marches were abortive, and if he was often forced to retreat, it shows nothing but the difficulties with which he had to contend. At least, this brave and industrious general was at all times endeavoring to do, and not inventing plans and giving reasons how not to do. Even his critics have never denied his earnestness, activity, and disposition to fight. These were visible at every step. Entrenched camps, with headquarters in nice houses, have not been heard of in connection with Jackson or Floyd. Those men live on their horses and sleep on the ground. If their troops suffer hardship and run risks, they share the worst with them, and both have gained the devotion of their men and the confidence of the country that has witnessed their ceaseless efforts. With Jackson in the northwest and Floyd in the south, untrammelled by War Departments or officers, Western Virginia will soon be redeemed from the Yankees.
Under the head of ‘Stop Him,’ the Richmond Whig says:
Stonewall Jackson has marched 250 miles, and won three victories in three weeks. This man must be suppressed. His mind is evidently impaired. He has forgotten the art of war entirely. He has taken it into his head that war means fighting, action, movement, no trench digging, then squalling for reinforcements, then falling back. We shall hear presently that he believes it to be not altogether improper to wound the feelings of the Yankees. After that it is not unreasonable to expect that he will break the only spade he ever had, cross the Potomac, throw away every cartridge, carry Washington at the point of the bayonet, and walk into Philadelphia some fine morning, with his chin at an elevation of 45 degrees — all before the army of the Chickahominy decides whether it will be agreeable to Mr. McClellan not to wait his will and pleasure, even till Doomsday.
This man Jackson must be suppressed or else he will change the humane and christian policy of the war, and demoralize the Government. Evidently he has lost his mind. Down with him, or he will establish the independence of the Southern Confederacy.
May
28
by John Beauchamp Jones
MAY 28TH.—Prisoners and deserters from the enemy say the Yankees get the Richmond papers, every day, almost as soon as we do. This is a great advantage they possess; and it demonstrates the fact that the Provost Marshal has interposed no effectual barriers between us and the enemy.
May
28
May 28, 1862, The New York Herald
Everything in General Banks’ command at Williamsport is reported to be quiet. Intelligence from Martinsburg yesterday indicates that the rebels were falling back towards Winchester, but very few of them being visible at Martinsburg. There was nothing further from General Banks last night.
The War Department received despatches from General McClellan yesterday, announcing that his troops had captured Hanover Court House. The loss on our side was exceedingly small, while that of the enemy was considerable. One of their guns was taken.
There is no later news from General Halleck’s command.
Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, has issued an order countermanding the call for any more three months volunteers. He says that the emergency requiring them has passed, and congratulates the people on the fact.
The President sent an important message to Congress yesterday, which will be found in another column, explaining the measures taken by the government at the commencement of the rebellion for the protection of the Union and the constitution. He recounts the history of the chartering of vessels and providing transportation and supplies then adopted, and assumes to himself the responsibility to answer for the honesty of the administration and the agents they employed. He states that he consulted the entire Cabinet in the emergency, and met a hearty support from them. He says that he is not aware of a single dollar of the public funds entrusted to unofficial persons having been either lost or wasted, and he entirely exonerates Mr. Cameron from the censure implied in the House resolution of the 30th ult. If censure be due, Mr. Lincoln thinks that he himself, and all the heads of the departments should share it with the late Secretary of War.
During a debate in the House yesterday Mr. Wadsworth, of Kentucky, declared very emphatically that if this war is to be carried on for the emancipation of the slaves, he will return to Kentucky and fight it out to the death against the supporters of such a principle.
By the Europa, at Cape Race last night, we have dates from Liverpool 17th and Queenstown 18th — two days later. The English press continues to comment upon the American rebellion. The London Times says that the recent victories of the Union armies in the West and the capture of New Orleans present a strong contrast to the action of the Army of the Potomac, but that what the North has lately accomplished entitle it to promise that the rebellion will soon be at an end; but it is at a loss to know how eight millions of people reduced by force of arms are to be governed in a republic. The subject of our national debt is also a source of solicitude with the Times.
May
28
May 28, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
We do not doubt that the transmission of news from Corinth at this juncture has been stopped by order of the generals there; hence the silence of our correspondents at that point. A Mobile paper publishes a despatch dated Corinth, May 22, saying that our pickets had re-occupied the village of Farmington. The following, which we take from the Jackson Mississippian of the 23d shows how imminent the great battle was thought to be at that time:
‘The interest in the important and bloody events pending at Corinth heightens and intensifies. A private despatch was received in this city yesterday, from Major-General VAN DORN, stating that the fight would commence yesterday. A despatch was also received from General BEAUREGARD, making enquiries as to the hospitals at this place for the accommodation of the wounded. The despatches which we published yesterday showed that the enemy was heavily reinforced. Everything seemed to indicate the proximity of the conflict. To-day, our reliable special correspondent is, up to this hour (12 o’clock), ominously silent. We would not be surprised if the battle had commenced this morning. It would have commenced yesterday morning in all probability, if the heavy rains had not prevented. From this cause a general engagement may be postponed for some days to come, but it cannot be put off much longer.
May
28
May 28, 1862, The New York Herald
The repulse of General Banks from the valley of Virginia, and the menacing attitude of the rebel General Jackson and his guerilla army in the rear of Washington, have already produced, in the third great uprising of the North, a more powerful blow against the last hopes of this desperate rebellion than any of our recent and most important captures of the strongholds of the enemy.
The government calls for more troops. The startled North hears the call and hastens to obey, impressed, as it is the public mind, with the idea that our national capital is again in danger from the overwhelming rebel army in its rear, against which General Banks had no alternative of salvation but the most rapid and well conducted retreat across the Potomac. And what do we see? We see that our honest and patriotic President, like the First Napoleon, has but to stamp his foot, and armies spring out of the ground. It was on Sunday evening that our Seventh regiment was ordered to pack up and move again to the defence of Washington, and on Monday evening, fully armed and equipped for a campaign, this gallant regiment passed down Broadway en route for the federal city, amidst the acclamations of two hundred thousand of their fellow citizens. The fighting Sixty-ninth and half a dozen others of our city regiments will be close upon the heels of the Seventh; while stout old Massachusetts is neck and neck with New York; and inexhaustible Pennsylvania is mustering her reinforcements by thousands; and little Rhode Island is not missing; and New Jersey is wide awake; and populous Ohio is buzzing like a hive of angry bees; and, in fact, from Maine to Kansas, the blood of the indignant North is up again, and a new army of five hundred thousand volunteers is at the service of the government for the extermination, if necessary, of the insolent rebels, who have the temerity even to threaten our national capital.
Such is this third great uprising of the mighty North. The opening of the game of war by the rebels, in the bombardment of Fort Sumter, marked the first great awakening of the indignant people of our loyal States; the repulse of our army from the bloody field of Manassas, and the call of the government for more troops for the defence of Washington against the victorious army of the enemy, marked the second great outpouring of our volunteers for the Union. If the first was the most impressive in marking the lines between the rebellion and the Union, and if the second of these popular manifestations was more significant in marking the unalterable purpose of our loyal people to maintain intact their national capital and their government, the third is the most decisive, as indicating, cost what it may, the fixed resolution of our loyal States to put an end to this rebellion.
If the London newspaper organs of the British aristocracy, whig and tory, desire a conclusive fact or two against Jeff. Davis and his half strangled monster battling of a Southern confederacy, it will only be necessary to look at the extraordinary difference between our loyal and our rebellious armies. The first are volunteers, half a million of them, enlisted for three years’ service or for the war — an army in efficiency, equipment and appointments, at least equal to the standing army of France. The rebel army, on the other hand, is very largely an army of impressed men, and throughout our rebellious States their last resources in men have been exhausted in a universal conscription, under which every able-bodied white man not absolutely indispensable to other needful employments has been thrust into the rebel army, together with every musket, rifle and fowling piece, between Richmond and New Orleans. And this army, thus mustered and equipped, badly clothed and fed, and shockingly doctored from the want of medicines, hospital supplies and systematic sanitary regulations, this army, which cannot exceed in numbers, all told, four hundred thousand men, has gleaned our rebellious States of their last resources in men, arms and all the essentials of war.
On the other hand, our well appointed Union army of half a million in the field, our naval forces, equal to two or three hundred thousand additional soldiers, for the purposes of this war, we can increase in sixty days to a million of volunteer soldiers, armed and equipped. The simple fact is, that our loyal States, as they now stand, are in military strength so overwhelmingly powerful against this virtually exhausted rebellion that it is simply preposterous to preach any longer the exploded idea, even in Europe, of a possible independent Southern confederacy. Before the expiration of the present week we may reasonably anticipate an end to all doubts upon the subject in a despatch from General McClellan from the beleaguered capital of the called Confederate States.
May
28
May 28, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
Major G.W. BRENT, Assistant Inspector General, has been appointed Acting Chief of Staff to General BEAUREGARD, in place of Brigadier General THOS. JORDAN, who, we regret to say, has been obliged to be relived on account of illness. Major BRENT is a talented officer, and distinguished himself at the battle of Manassas, where he served as Major of the 17th Virginia Regiment.
May
28
May 28, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
To the Editor of the Charleston Mercury: The capture of New Orleans very naturally excited great feeling throughout the country, and the people and the newspapers immediately went to work to find a victim upon whose head to wreak vengeance. The failure of a public servant to meet the expectations of those for whom he labors, should not, in case of his failure to do everything with which he is charged, be the signal for his destruction in the public confidence, without it is made manifest that he has been wanting in the vigilance and energy demanded by the position to which he has been assigned.
The fall of New Orleans was a great misfortune. No one knew better the vast importance of holding possession of that city and the lower Valley of the Mississippi than Gen. Lovell; and a fair, cool, candid statement, founded upon personal observation, and upon the official evidence of what was done, is submitted, that the truth may be known, and the responsibility of the great misfortune fixed where it properly belongs.
When General Lovell was assigned to the defence of the coast of Louisiana, he immediately discovered that the only serious danger to New Orleans was by an attack of gunboats up the river. He went to work; and with the assistance of the heroic Duncan, soon placed Forts Jackson and St. Philip in as good condition to destroy any fleet that might attempt to pass to the city as the very limited means in his power would permit.
The obstruction of the Mississippi river, at a point near those defences, was deemed essential to the successful defence of the city, and a very short time after he assumed command a raft was moored from one bank to the other of the river, immediately under fire of both forts. This raft was constructed of very large logs with two immense chains passing under and fastening below; and they were likewise secured by riveting large strong slabs across the top. No one for a moment then believed that the combined fleets of the Federal Government could pass up the river.
Upon the night of the 28th of February this immense structure was torn to pieces and swept away by the Mississippi, which is higher than it was ever known before. The writer of this well remembers the energy and dauntless determination with which Gen. Lovell went to work immediately to place another obstruction in the river. It was clearly shown that no raft could withstand the terrific flood that was then passing over the country. An order was issued seizing a large number of ships and schooners, and they were formed immediately, under that gallant, accomplished officer, Col. Higgins, into a line, and anchored with every care and precaution across the river near the forts.
Officers and gentlemen of the highest engineering attainments were confident that this second obstruction could not be carried away. Each vessel was heavily and securely anchored, and immense chains passed from one to the other. The fragments of the first raft were also again moored and anchored across the river. The Federal fleet was then in the river, but we felt no apprehension; in fact, everybody was more than willing that they should make the attempt against the forts, which were garrisoned by one thousand experienced artillerists.
Right here it is proper to add that there were very few first-class siege guns at either fort; that few we had, Gen. Lovell had procured with great trouble. It is true, he had often called for 10-inch guns, but those having the power to aid him paid but little attention to these demands.
So far as the land defences of the city are in the question, it is only necessary to state that they were of such a character as to have enabled a very small force to hold them against any numbers which the enemy could have brought. Every confidence was felt by men and officers, and universally shared by the community, that the city could not be taken, except the fleet of gunboats succeeded in destroying the defences above Memphis and coming down the river.
Such was the condition when the enemy opened fire, from, as near as could be ascertained, twenty-seven mortar boats. They took their position nearly three miles below Fort Jackson, where but few of our guns could reach them. On Friday night a most violent storm arose; and when the morning came, to the unspeakable anguish of the gallant Duncan and men, it was discovered that the anchors which held the ships and schooners across the river had yielded to the combined pressure of the wind and flood; and the obstruction, upon which so much depended, was destroyed. Prompt measures were taken to repair the damages, but the Federal gunboats opened a tremendous fire upon the men and boats engaged on the work, and they were forced to abandon it.
An open passage to the city was thus before them, through agencies which no power of man could resist. The river was still rising rapidly; the parade ground in Fort Jackson was covered to the depth of fifteen inches with water, and the sharp-shooters, who had been sent to annoy the enemy below the forts, were driven by the water from that position.
The bombardment of the mortar fleet was kept up day and night for a week. They succeeded in getting the range, and the number of shells which fell into Fort Jackson is almost incredible. The wood work of the fort was burned early in the action, and the garrison, up to their knees in water, and without clothes, save what they were wearing when the quarters were destroyed, cheerfully and bravely stood to their guns.
Upon the morning of the 24th of April, about three o’clock, the enemy’s fleet of gunboats and frigates was discovered coming up; but owing to the treason of a scoundrel who was on watch below, and whose duty it was to give warning of their approach by sending up rockets, they had reached a point nearly opposite the forts before they were observed. The country knows how the indomitable Duncan fought them; but it was beyond the power of man to hold them in check. On they passed. Gen. Lovell was on an ordinary steamboat (the Doubloon) in the thick of the fight; and, at one time, some of the Yankee fleet were between him and the city. He came up in all haste and ordered well trained artillerists, under Gen. Smith, to the few guns that were at Chalmette — five on one side, and none on the other. It may be asked why there were not more guns at this point? Simply for the reason that Gen. Lovell did not have them. He had been requested to turn over to the naval authorities the guns which he intended for these batteries; and besides, it was never pretended by any one that any open works, with the river at least four feet higher than the level of the country, could stand the broadsides of a fleet under such disadvantages.
The works at Chalmette held the thirteen large frigates and gunboats about an hour. The last defences having been overcome; the thirteen vessels came up and anchored off the city. General Lovell was in town, and ready and willing to remain with all the troops under his command, which the morning report of that day showed to be about twenty-eight hundred, two-thirds of whom were the volunteer and militia companies which had recently been put in camp, and not one half of whom were respectably armed.
It was the undivided expression of public opinion that the army had better retire and save the city from destruction; and, accordingly, the General ordered his forces to rendezvous at Camp Moore, about seventy miles above New Orleans, on the Jackson Railroad.
A demand was made by Farragut for the surrender of the command, which Gen. Lovell positively refused, but told the officer who bore the message that if any Federal troops were landed he would attack them. Two days after he retired, it was said that the city had changed its purpose, and preferred a bombardment to occupation by the enemy. Gen. Lovell promptly ordered a train, and proceeded to New Orleans, and immediately had an interview with Mayor Monroe; offering, if such was the desire of the authorities and people, to return with his command and hold the city as long as a man and shot was left!
This offer not being accepted, it was decided that the safety of the large number of unprotected women and children should be looked to, and that the fleet would be permitted to take possession. The raw and poorly armed infantry could have done nothing against the fleet. The city would have been destroyed without any corresponding gain; and, if the general commanding had adopted this course, he would have justly been charged with a wanton destruction of life and property.
The impression which prevails, that Gen. Lovell had a large army under his command, is incorrect. He had, since the first of March, sent ten full, splendid regiments to Gen. Beauregard, besides many companies of cavalry and artillery. In fact, the demands for assistance had been so constant, that he was almost stripped of everything. Not a gun had been sent to the Department since he had taken command; but, upon the contrary, as fast as he succeeded in gathering up something in men and materials for the defence of his Department, he was ordered to send it to other fields. He had no control over the navy. It had been urged that all the means of defence should be under his command, but this was refused. A very short time before the fleet passed the forts, he had implored the commanding naval officer of the station to order the iron-clad steamer Louisiana to be placed below Fort Jackson, which was refused. It is confidently believed that if this had been done, New Orleans would have been saved. It is not the intention of the writer of this brief note of explanation to find fault with any one, but the fatal mistake in the management of the Louisiana is no secret. Upon whom the awful responsibility, refusing the assistance which she could have rendered to Duncan in his unequal struggle should rest, will be fixed by the proper authorities.
I state, upon any and every responsibility that belongs to a gentleman and a soldier, that General Lovell requested that that iron-clad battery be sent to the Eddy below Fort Jackson, about three quarters of a mile, where she could have engaged the coming fleet, and given the garrison timely notice that the hour of trial had come. How she would have succeeded, may be unquestionably determined by the fact that the enemy failed to make any impression upon her impenetrable covering of iron, and was only destroyed after the surrender of both forts, to prevent her falling into the hands of the fleet; it being impossible, from the unfinished state of her machinery, to move her.
If General Lovell had had any number of first class guns they could not have been used, as the country was covered with water. As before stated, the river was higher than it was ever known before, and from a few miles below the city to the Gulf was one vast sheet of water, with the exception of the narrow levee on either side, and upon which there was not space enough to manage the guns that could have been effective against ships-of-war.
If any obstruction could have stood the flood of the Mississippi and the furious storm that raged on Friday night, by which the line of schooners was swept away, the city could not have fallen.
The forts were not armed with the largest guns, but they could have destroyed the fleet if it could have been held under their fire for any considerable period. After they succeeded in passing to the front of the city, Gen. Lovell had either to stand a bombardment without the power of replying, and by which the city would have been destroyed, and more than one hundred thousand helpless women and children exposed, or retire and let the enemy take possession. He followed in his decision the wishes of the people; he was ready and willing, and so were his officers and men, to perish in the ruins of New Orleans rather than yield, if such a course had been agreed to by the inhabitants. But it was decided otherwise; and in making this statement no reflection is intended upon the courage and loyalty of that unfortunate city. A truer, braver community never felt the power of the invader; and, to-day, they are proud and defiant in their devotion to the Cause.
I again repeat, but for the storm and flood, which combined to destroy the obstructions in the river, New Orleans would have been saved. General Lovell did all that mortal man could do to save the city; and, it is believed, that the good sense and candor of the people will do him justice. No soldier in the armies of the South has shown stronger evidences of devotion to the cause.
When the revolution commenced, he was a citizen of New York, enjoying a place of great honor and profit, which he could have held; and if he had been disposed to have sided with our enemies, a commission of the very highest grade was at his service. But, abandoning friends, position, fortune and all, he came and offered his great abilities to our people.
Upon the fields of Mexico he had won great honor, and no man of his age ever stood higher in the old army. The words of reproach which have been uttered against him, for misfortunes which no human power could have prevented, will not turn the brave soldier and unfaltering patriot from his duty.
He is actively engaged organizing the troops of Louisiana and Mississippi, and the people may rest assured that no clamor, no misrepresentation can make him, for one moment, forget that the present duty is to drive the invader from our soil.
This brief statement is submitted by one entirely acquainted with all the facts, with the conviction that the Southern people will not, when the truth is known, tolerate any wrong or injustice to as true a friend as ever led their sons to battle!
May
28
May 28, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
The taking of New Orleans and other cities of the Confederate States by our Yankee foes were great disasters to us, and were hailed by them as grand achievements, hastening on the consummation of the subjugation of the Confederate States. The effect may be not unmixed evil. It induced them to throw off the mask of hypocrisy, by which they had deceived the people of Kentucky, and of other Southern States, into the belief that they respected their constitutional rights and institutions. The development of their real designs towards the Confederate States, will not only united together all the Southern States, but has raised up an unconquerable spirit. And then abroad, to foreign nations, it has established the astounding fact that Europe has not only lost one cotton crop, but two. The opening of cotton ports by Yankee gunboats produces no cotton. The Southern people are burning up every bag of cotton which Yankee power may reach or control; whilst they are planting no more cotton, for the next year, than their own consumption will require. Nor will they plant another crop as long as this war shall last. European nations, whatever their politics, are to this extent enlisted in our cause by a common suffering. They must have the war stopped in some way, or suffer by the famine of their people, as much as the desolation of war occasions to us. Here then are two great incidental results which the capture of our cities have produced, more fatal perhaps to the final success of the Yankees in subjugating us, than if they had kept to the sea, and let our cities alone.
If European nations attempt to intervene to stop the war, they must first, we presume, apply to the Government of the United States. They are the aggressors. They are, numerically, the stronger power. It will be useless for them to approach the Confederate States, without first ascertaining the dispositions or determinations of the Government of the United States. If we vanquish the Yankees in the two great battles, which are daily expected to come off, in Virginia and Tennessee, the intervention of European nations may be treated by them with civility. They may then realize the fact that they cannot conquer us, and may endeavor to use these nations to obtain commercial terms with the Confederate States, which may save them from utter ruin.
If they succeed in any such efforts, it will be our fault. In itself, if met by proper wisdom and decision, foreign intervention can do us no harm. We have the advantage in all negotiations, because we hold the cotton. The same cause which induces foreign nations to interfere to stop the war, forbids their quarreling with us. But not so with the Yankees. If they continue either to hold their own, or to vanquish us in these two great battles, their arrogance will hardly brook interference; whilst foreign nations must see the supply of cotton further off than ever. Interference, on their part, of any kind, under such circumstances, must, therefore, produce alienation and collision with our Yankee foes; whilst the recollection of their own folly, in being cheated by Yankee lies into a waiver of their rights, by which the sufferings they encounter have been produced, must embitter their feelings and increase their hate. It appears to us, therefore, that the late successes of our enemies, in their influences, both in the Confederate States and on European nations, are not unmitigated evils. By the good providence of God, our worst reverses bring with them compensating elements of hope and strength — vultus ad astra.
May
28
May 28, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
THE SIEGE OF THE CAPITAL.
We take the following from the Richmond Examiner of Monday:
There was some action on our lines in the neighborhood of Richmond on Saturday. From such reliable particulars as we have, it appears that the enemy made a demonstration in the neighborhood of New Bridge and Mechanicsville on Saturday. At New Bridge two companies of the Fifth Louisiana Regiment were surprised, the enemy having captured the only cavalry picket that was out. We learn that our loss in this engagement was about sixteen killed and thirty wounded. On Saturday afternoon the enemy took possession of Mechanicsville, which is about four miles from the city boundary, on the road which extends from Eighteenth street. Three pieces of the Washington Artillery were placed across the Chickahominy, but our forces were directed to fall back to the other bank of the stream, which they did after a sharp cannonading. Captain Rosser was wounded in the arm by a fragment of a shell. On occupying Mechanicsville Saturday afternoon the cheers of the Yankee army were vociferous and might have been heard for miles.
Yesterday, there was an entire quiet on our lines, and not a shot exchanged on any portion of them as far as we could learn. In the neighborhood of Mechanicsville, the two armies are distinctly confronted on opposite ranges of hills not more than a mile apart. The enemy’s pickets extend to the bridge over the Chickahominy, and our picket lines are not more than six hundred yards apart, a cavalry picket of the enemy being posted directly in the turnpike on the other side of the bridge. Yesterday the enemy were throwing up entrenchments about Mechanicsville, and planting batteries to command the bridge and turnpike. About two or three miles to the north the enemy have possession of the Central Railroad, at what is known as Atlee’s Station. The situation is such as keeps the public in constant and daily expectation of a general engagement.
The Examiner in commenting upon the situation of affairs in front of Richmond, says:
Throughout this war, our general officers, with one or two exceptions, have been constantly afflicted with the deluded notion that the enemy would do them the favor to commence the attack. Again and again have the most splendid occasions been lost on that ground. When every circumstance indicated that a battle was our best chance, and when the whole army believed that it would be led out to fight on the morrow, information was sure to arrive that the enemy was coming to attack us, and consequently we would have all the advantage in waiting quietly behind our redoubts and breastworks to receive him. The next day and the next pass in expectation; the enemy makes no attack; and having ample time and liberty, does all the manoeuvering himself; so that our troops are soon so circumstanced that they are compelled to change their position. This is the history of Manassas, of Yorktown, of Warwick, of Sewell. Let us hope that Richmond will not witness a repetition of the same unhappy concatenation of untoward events.
The defensive system has been followed to the conclusion by the race of little men who have possession of authority in this country. It has affected everything, the generals of the army and their strategy more than anything else. It has brought the Southern Confederacy to the doors of destruction. Since the accidental victory at Manassas a year ago there has not been another general engagement in Virginia, the theatre of the war. All the rest has been skirmish, expectation, and then retreat after retreat. We talk about our want of stores and supplies — more have been destroyed to effect these retreats than have been consumed by the whole army. We hear of the lack of men — more have been ruined, demoralized, made sick, and lost by these retreats than twice the whole fighting of the war has touched. The army has been damaged, the country dispirited, the people of Virginia reduced to misery, their lands overrun, their property seized, and the advance of the enemy has never been checked or delayed. The defensive game, in war as in chess, has once more proven the worst of all; impossible of successful execution even by the most adroit hands, and absolutely sure to end in grief if tried on an antagonist of only ordinary skill.
The time has come when the policy of the Southern Confederacy must change. The change must be complete, root and branch. Much wise talk has been heard from the mouths of imbeciles of the necessity of harmony among ourselves, and the propriety of abstinence from criticism and objection to the acts of government while this great struggle against the most hideous and hated of foes is in our hands. Many pretentious commonplace platitudes are repeated, parrot-wise, by one dull man after another, about the evils and difficulties of dissension and disturbance in the midst of an effort, for the success of which all Southern men are earnestly striving. But when it becomes clear that harmony, silence, and passive obedience to Government only serves to ensure our absolute ruin; when we know that a coach we are in is driven along the broad and straight road that leadeth to destruction; when it is evident that the more devotion and union we have upon the present plan of action, the more certain is the doom of ourselves and our country; it is certainly doubtful whether this patience, moderation, unanimity and submission is useful to us — right, patriotic, or sensible. When it is known that the blind lead, the case will not be remedied by hoodwinking the sound eyes of those who are led. When we see that the ship is steered directly on the rocks, and the breakers are becoming closer every moment, the crew that does not cry the danger ahead, and force the helmsman to put the ship about as fast as possible, deserve the drowning. That policy of the Confederate Government has been judicious throughout, and continues to be so, is not a matter on which difference of opinion is possible, for the results are patent to everybody; hence there is actually no difference of opinion, and the whole population, with the exception of a few officials, hangers-on and aspirants, think alike about it. The time is come when that policy must change. If we gain a great victory here in the next few days, the change will be made with good grace, and for this let us now hope.
May
28
May 28, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
The LINCOLN blockaders off this coast claim to have captured four prizes lately, among which they no doubt include the Nellie, which they only ran ashore. The other three are said to be steam vessels, two of which have already been despatched to New York. One of these was the Slettin, as reported in yesterday’s MERCURY. The names of the other two we have not been able to learn.
May
28
May 28, 1862, The New York Herald
WHITE HOUSE, Va., May 26, 1862.
The great battle has not yet commenced, It cannot be long delayed. The weather, which has been very wet for several days past, has hindered the transportation of supplies, owing to the heavy condition of the roads. Yesterday the weather cleared up, the sun shone bright throughout the day, and a genial westerly breeze has dried up the roads, so that ere twenty-four hours passes transportation of supplies from this point to the Grand Army will be greatly facilitated and improved. The railroad from this point, Pamunkey river to the Chickahominy, a distance of twelve miles, has been put in complete repair, and today the first supply train, consisting of fifteen cars heavily laden with provisions and forage supplies, left this place. The train was accompanied by a large body of troops as a guard. The opening of the railroad enables us now to send by that channel army supplies to within six miles of our main body, leaving the latter distance only to be traversed by army wagons. Our engineers for several days past have been industriously at work in repairing the partially destroyed railroad bridge across the Chickahominy, and the work has been prosecuted with such untiring zeal — thanks to General Woodbury of the Engineer brigade — that it is confidently expected that by tomorrow morning the work will have been completed, and the trains enabled to cross that stream. I emphatically assert that no army in the world has accomplished a like amount of work in a similar period of time as that by the united efforts of our Quartermaster an Engineer’s Department, under General Van Vilet, Lieutenant Colonel Ingalls and General Woodbury. There has been a unity of purpose and action displayed, united personal and physical sacrifices made by our executive officers, never surpassed, seldom, if every, equalled. Officers and men have toiled night and day, fair weather and foul, that augurs well for our success in future movements.
There is no possibility of a doubt that our army is to be desperately confronted by the enemy. This is the positive assurance of rebel refugees and prisoners recently brought within our lines. Richmond is to be the ditch. Jeff. Davis is to lead the army in person, and, to use his own words, he will the streets of Richmond flood with human gore before he will surrender. Will he redeem his pledge? We shall see. As to numerical strength the rebel army no doubt excels ours; but in point of discipline and determination of purpose the Union army is unsurpassed. General McClellan’s strategy thus far has been careful and well considered. He has positively refused to be intimidated or forced ahead by his calumniators and abolition croakers. He has studied the health and discipline of his men, with a view of bringing them as near to perfection as possible, rather than to hastily follow the retreating foe, reserving his strength for the final and decisive blow. He has felt his way to the very door of the rebel capital, conducting his march in a masterly style, and with but a small mortality. He has exhibited in his movements the coolness and sagacity of our revered Scott, and when the battle shall have commenced he will show to the country the tactics of a Napoleon. His generals have confidence in him; his men have a religious regard for his fatherly care for their interests, and under him they anticipate no defeat. The spirit of our troops may be judged by the courage of the Fourth regiment of Michigan Volunteers in the brilliant affair on the west side of the Chickahominy, day before yesterday, against a body of the rebels four times their number, in which our men confronted and defeated a force four times as large as ours. The bold Michigan boys gave the enemy a foretaste of what they may expect in the impending contest, affording the world a substantial proof that the sturdy, hard-fisted farmers and mechanics of the North and West, when metamorphosed and consolidated into a grand army, cannot be excelled, by personal courage and intelligence, by any nation on the face of the earth. They will teach the world that the boasted chivalry of the South, waxed fat on the labor of the slave, is but a myth and empty boast, a sounding brass and a tinkling symbol, which dissipates into empty air when contrasted and confronted by a laborious and thrifty people.
I cannot close this letter without saying a word about this place. Less than two weeks ago this place was only known as the residence and mammoth farm of Colonel Lee. The visit of our army here, and the establishment of the grand depot of the Army of the Potomac has changed it, as if by magic, into a temporary village. From the railroad bridge, along the bank of the Pamunkey river, and one mile south, the river is thickly studded with craft, discharging all kinds of army stores. Temporary wharves have been constructed by mooring canal boats laterally, side by side, with the river bank, so that vessels can discharge their cargo without transshipment or lightering. Hundreds of contraband negroes assist in the discharging of vessels, and the daily busy scenes remind one forcibly of the busy season at the large cities on the margin of the Father of Waters.
The rebel prisoners captured by the Fourth Michigan regiment in the affair day before yesterday arrived here today from the front under a strong escort guard of cavalry. They were a rough looking, unintelligent set of customers, secesh to the core. They are shabbily dressed in negro cloth uniforms, and it would puzzle a body in the attempt to imagine that they were a body of soldiers. They represent several of the rebel States, and enjoy the cognomens of “Tigers,” “Guerillas,” “Sharpshooters,” “Lincoln Haters,” “Yankee Extinguishers,”&c., ad infinitum. Their military belts appear more ferocious than their corpus. The poor devil are well treated, well fed and positively well guarded. Their change of status from Jeff. Davis’ mob to our corps will by degrees be fully appreciated by them, at least if their tuition under their mis-leaders has not wholly alienated them from Christian gratitude for Christian treatment. These fellows tell conflicting stories about matters in […..], and I did not think it worth while to waste pen, ink and paper by writing any statements that they made. They will be sent North in a day or two.
May
28
May 28, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
Two of the Yankee gunboats were again amusing themselves yesterday afternoon until dark by firing at the steamer Nellie. The weather being quite moderate they sent their launches in to sound, which enabled them to approach much nearer than on previous occasions, their vessels coming within a mile of the beach. Their shell-firing was visible from the wharves, and attracted quite a number to the water front, but was generally thought to be wild. We had no direct information from the Nellie, and cannot say what her condition may be.
May
28
May 28, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
It has been with great pleasure we have been called upon the lay before the public, in a late issue, the resolutions of the Executive Council of this State, touching the defence of the city of Charleston. Representing in a great degree, as they do at his time, the public authority and dignity of the State, it is but in accordance with their duty, that they should gravely and fearlessly meet the responsibilities of the occasion, so far as it rests in their hands, by a bold and manly declaration in behalf of the honor of the State. The Executive Council has spoken well and timely. The State Convention took similar action some time since. We trust that when the emergency comes, there shall be no occasion to diminish expressions of approbation, and that the will of the people and authorities of the State will be carried out, in action.
But it is only the true and the sterling heart that makes good, in the dark hour of trial, the words of a calmer and brighter season. We want no man to blanch when Charleston is to be fought. ‘Tis not the first time she has been fought; and she can be fought again. Is there a man here, with a soul as big as a Guinea-pig, who would not rather make a Saragossa of Charleston, than to have a Northern ruffian lording it over us with his brutal proclamations, and his inquisitorial proceedings of insolence and outrage upon men and women? Let us turn our eyes to poor Huntsville, and still worse, to New Orleans! If there be a man here whose stomach is strong enough to prefer such scenes, as are there enacted to the fighting of the city to the last, he should be ordered to leave.
Yet, Charleston is in the hands of the Confederate authorities, and not of the State authorities. They have our troops and control our military operations, and it is to them, at last, that we must look. It is to them that we must appeal for the preservation of our honor, in whose keeping it has been placed. It is in the hands of the General Commanding. Men who are in earnest in this matter expect from him everything that our ancient honor and present position may demand, even to the last title.
May
28
May 28, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
We are indebted to a friend on the Combahee River for the following intelligence: On Thursday evening last twenty-five Yankees paid a visit to Mr. WILLIAM HENRY HEYWARD’S plantation, on the Combahee River. There were two or three of our pickets at Mr. HEYWARD’S when the Yankees arrived. They immediately gave rein to their horses, the Yankees firing fifteen or twenty shots at them, doing no damage, but increasing the speed of the horses. The Yankees remained at Mr. HEYWARD’S house all night, and left at daylight next morning. On Friday morning one company of cavalry were sent in pursuit of them, but saw nothing, being too late to do any good. The Yankees hereabouts are becoming bolder every day.
May
28
May 28, 1862, The New York Herald
WASHINGTON, May 27, 1862.
The following is the special message today sent into the House of Representatives by the President:—
TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:—
The insurrection which is yet existing in the United States, and aims at the overthrow of the federal constitution and the Union, was clandestinely prepared during the winter of 1860 and 1861, and assumed an open organization in the form of a treasonable provisional government at Montgomery, Alabama, on the 18th day of February, 1861. On the 12th day of April, 1861, the insurgents committed the flagrant act of civil war by the bombardment and capture of Fort Sumter, which cut off the hope of immediate conciliation. Immediately afterwards all the roads and avenues to this city were obstructed, and the capital was put into the condition of a siege. The mails in every direction were stopped and the lines of telegraph cut off by the insurgents, and military and naval forces which had been called out by the government for the defence of Washington were prevented from reaching the city by organized and combined treasonable resistance in the State of Maryland. There was no adequate and effective organization for the public defence. Congress had indefinitely adjourned. There was not time to convene then. It became necessary for me to choose whether, using only the existing means, agencies and processes which Congress had provided, I should let the government fall into ruin, or whether, availing myself of the broader powers conferred by the constitution in cases of insurrection, I would make an effort to save it, with all its blessings, for the present age and for posterity. I thereupon summoned my constitutional advisers, the heads of all the departments, to meet on Sunday, the 20th day of April, 1861, at the office of the Navy Department, and then and there, with their unanimous concurrence, I directed that an armed revenue cutter should proceed to sea to afford protection to the commercial marine […..], especially to the California treasure ships, then on their way to this coast. I also directed the commandant of the Navy Yard at Boston to purchase or charter, and arm as quickly as possible, five steamships for purposes of public defence. I directed the Commandant of the Navy at Philadelphia to purchase or charter, and arm an equal number. I directed Commander Gillis to purchase or charter, and arm and put to sea two other vessels. Similar directions were given to Commodore DuPont, with a view to the opening of passages by water to and from the capital. I directed the several officers to take the advice and obtain the aid and efficient services in the matter of his Excellency Edwin D. Morgan, the Governor of New York, or, in his absence, George D. Morgan, Wm. M. Evarts, R. M. Blatchford, and Moses H. Grinnell, who were, by my directions, especially empowered by the Secretary of the Navy to act for his department in that crisis; in matters pertaining to the forwarding of troops and supplies for the public defence. On the same occasion I directed that Governor Morgan — and Alexander Cummings, of the city of New York, should be authorized by the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, to make all necessary arrangements for the transportation of troops and munitions of war in aid and assistance of the officers of the army of the United States, until communication by mail and telegraph should be completely established between the cities of Washington and New York. No security was required to be give by them, and either of them was authorized to act in case of inability to consult with the other. On the same occasion I authorized and directed the Secretary of the Treasury to advance, without requiring security, two millions of dollars of public money to John A. Dix, George Opdyke and Richard M. Baltchford, of New York, to be used by them in meeting such requisitions as should be directly consequent upon the military and naval measures for the defence and support of the government, requiring them only to act without compensation, and to report their transactions when duly called upon. The several departments of the government at that time contained so large a number of disloyal persons that it would have been impossible to provide safely through official agents only for the performance of the duties thus confided to citizens favorably known for their ability, loyalty and patriotism. The several orders issued upon these occurrences were transmitted by private messengers, who pursued a circuitous way to the seaboard cities, inland, across the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio and the Northern lakes. I believe that by these, and other similar measures taken in that crisis, some of which were without any authority of law, the government was saved from overthrow. I am not aware that a dollar of the public funds thus confided without authority of law to unofficial persons was either lost or wasted, although apprehensions of such misdirections occurred to me as objections to these extraordinary proceedings and were necessarily overruled. I recall these transactions now because my attention has been directed to a resolution which was passed by the House of Representatives on the 30 of last month, which is in these words: —
Resolved, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, by investing Alexander Cummings with the control of large sums of the public money and authority to purchase military supplies without restrictions, without requiring from him any guarantee for the faithful performance of his duties, when the services of competent public officer were available, and by involving the government in a vast number of contracts with persons not legitimately engaged in the business pertaining to the subject matter of such contracts, especially in the purchase of arms for future delivery, has adopted a policy highly injurious to the public service, and deserves the censure of the House.
Congress will see that I should be wanting equally in candor and in justice if I should leave the censure expressed in this resolution to rest exclusively or chiefly upon Mr. Cameron. The same sentiment is unanimously entertained by the heads of the department who participated in the proceedings which the House of Representatives have censured. It is due to Mr. Cameron to say that, although he fully approved the proceedings, they were not moved nor suggested by himself; and that not only the President, but all the other heads of departments, were at least equally responsible with him for whatever error, wrong or fault was committed in the premises.
A. LINCOLN
WASHINGTON, May 26, 1862.
May
27
by John Beauchamp Jones
MAY 27TH.—More troops came in last night, and were marched to the camp at once, so that the Yankees will know nothing of it.
May
27
May 27, 1862, The New York Herald
We left Hampton Roads early Thursday morning, May 8, and steamed up the river, the Galena leading, followed by the Aroostook and the Port Royal. As we passed Newport News loud cheers were given by the troops there, and returned by the vessels. At eight o’clock A. M. we reached the first battery, mounting nine guns, at Day’s Point. This we soon silenced, their firing doing us no harm. Some of the Birney shells from the eleven-inch gun of the Aroostook set the woods on fire, and when we passed it has spread over a considerable space. At half-past ten A. M. we reached the second battery, at Point of Shoals. This proved a much more formidable one, mounting twelve guns, some of them rifled pieces of great range. We passed this battery in a circle three times, the Galena leading, followed by the Aroostook. The third time we passed up clear of the range of the guns, the Galena trying to draw their fire; but it was evident that from the time they discovered the Galena to be iron-clad the fire was especially directed against the wooden vessels. After passing it the Galena lay in front and completely silenced the solitary gun that remained — eleven being silenced when we passed the third time. The Aroostook was struck one by a rifle shot which passed through both bulwarks, doing no damage beyond cutting the main topmast stays. The Galena was struck three times; but the shots glided off, doing no damage. The Galena soon started to join us, but got aground, and when she was pulled off the engines were choked with mud, owing to the shallowness of the river, that they could not be used. The Aroostook then took the Galena in tow; but the buoys which marked the channel having been moved, the Galena grounded for the second time, and at that stage of the tide it was impossible to pull her off. We remained there all that night and the next day, Friday, both vessels doing their utmost to pull the Galena off (her engines being entirely helpless), at all times of the tide when it was deemed practicable; and during the remaining time the Aroostook sounded and buoyed out the channel beyond Hog Island bar. Our efforts to move the Galena proved successful on Saturday, and, her engines having been cleaned out, we steamed up to near Jamestown and anchored for the night. On Sunday, the 11th, we made a reconnoissance as far up as Old Fort Powhatan, and returned to Jamestown. On Monday morning we were all called to quarters early. The smoke of two steamers had been seen coming down the river, and we fondly hoped they were the rebel gunboats Jamestown and Yorktown, which escaped from us Battery No. 2 on Thursday.
We were greatly disappointed to find them to be the Curtis Peck and Northampton, having on board eight hundred and eighty Union prisoners, on their way to Fortress Monroe to be exchanged. We cheered them loudly, and they replied with great enthusiasm. All were surprised at the appearance of the rebel soldiers having the boats in charge, both officers and men appearing like boys of fifteen years of age. In the afternoon we were joined by the Monitor and Stevens battery, when we steamed up to near Fort Powhatan and anchored for the night. Tuesday, the 13th, we took an early start, expecting to encounter a strong battery at the next turn of the river, and were greatly surprised to find the fort abandoned. This was the strongest point we had yet passed, and could easily have made a determined resistance. The fort was built during the last war with England for the defence of Richmond, and has been improved by the rebels the past summer. It consists of a strong water battery at the foot and sand battery on the top of a high bluff. Why it was not defended is incomprehensible, as it command the entire channel, which is here so narrow that a fire from the fort could rake every vessel coming up the river. The flag of truce boats returned and passed us at Harris’ bar before we reached City Point. At City Point we found each house displaying flags of truce, and learned that a rebel tugboat had just left after setting fire to the sheds of the Transportation Company, which were entirely consumed.
Commander Rodgers and some of the other officers went on shore, under cover of the guns of the fleet. From all we could learn the river was clear up to within ten miles of Richmond, where there was a heavy battery at Ward’s Bluff. We left City Point in the afternoon and continued our course up the river, passing on our way two schooners, which we left unmolested, though the property of one of the most ultra rebels in the State. We started early again on Wednesday. The channel now became very narrow, and ran close under the bluffs. It was a constant source of wonder that these intricate channels were not defended, as, from the height of land and narrowness of the channel it would be almost impossible for a gunboat to get a range to shell them out. About noon the Galena grounded again. The Aroostook, coming next, tried to pull her off; but it was impossible, even with the assistance of the Stevens battery, to move her. During this afternoon the vessels were annoyed by musketry from the bushes on either bank. On the Aroostook a shield of boiler iron plates was made to protect the men at the wheel and for the pilot on the forecastle. The Stevens battery covered her cabin and pilot house in the same manner. Chains were also suspended along the sides to protect the boilers. At high tide the Galena was pulled off. We anchored for the night about two miles form Ward’s Bluff. On Thursday we went to quarters early and made ready for a conflict which we well supposed would be desperate. All the way up a continual discharge of musketry was kept up, which we replied to with occasional discharges of canister from the howitzers. One man sounding in the chains of the Galena was struck and fell over into the boat, but was instantly rescued by another sailor. At eight A. M. we came in sight of the battery called Fort Darling, situated just beyond a sharp turn in the river, and about one hundred and fifty feet above it. Just abreast of it the wrecks of several vessels could be seen, completely blocking up the channel. These are said to be the Jamestown, Yorktown, Teaser, Patrick Henry, Curtis Peck and Northampton, besides several scows and schooners. The fleet now approached in the following order: — The Galena, Monitor, Aroostook, Port Royal, Stevens Battery. The river was here very narrow, and in the channel did not exceed sixty yards in width, and was quite intricate. The vessels, therefore, could not shift positions readily, but were obliged to come to anchor and work from springs on their cables. The Galena took the first position and was in the full range of their guns. The Monitor steamed past her at one time, but, finding she could not elevate her guns sufficiently, fell back to her first place. All the fleet now opened a hot fire on the battery, and after a severe conflict silenced it, no shot being fired from it for half an hour. At this time our shells began to give out, and as soon as our fire slackened the rebels remanned their guns, and from two new places, on each side of the first one, poured in a perfect storm of solid shot and rifled projectiles. Their firing was certainly admirable, and the guns were said to have been served by the crews of the Merrimac, Jamestown and Yorktown. From the course of the channel all the vessels were now exposed to a heavy raking fire, and, the rebels having the range perfectly, their shot told with fearful accuracy on the vessels, who labored under a great disadvantage, being at anchor and unable to change their positions. Although our fire was kept up, and our shell could be seen bursting in the forty, and over and under the guns, they still maintained an incessant fire, and it was evident they were constantly reinforced. The object of the expedition having been accomplished, and it being clearly impossible with our draft of water to pass the obstructions, and ammunition running short, the Galena made the signal to stop firing, and turned and came down the river, followed by the Monitor. We gave the rebels a parting compliment in the shape of an eleven-inch shell, the last gun fired in the action, followed suit and returned to our anchorage of the morning. We fired several rounds of canister from the howitzers and eleven-inch shell guns into the bushes, and with wholesome effect of the sharpshooters. The Galena suffered the most from this action, as from the position of the battery the shot struck her at nearly right angles to her sides. She was pierced in the upper part quite a number of times; but at the bends, just above the water line, but one shot penetrated; quite a number stuck in her armor and remain there all shivered into small pieces. But for her armor she would not now be afloat. Any wooden vessels would have been sunk by the shot that struck her. Though not so impenetrable as was at first supposed, from the little effect of the shot from the second battery, still many shots must have glanced off and others remained in her armor which would have passed completely through and sunk a wooden vessel. The Monitor was struck three times, but uninjured beyond bending the plates. Owing to the height of the battery and the nearness of the range, her guns could not be brought to bear as effectually as usual. The Aroostook was struck three times, once in the port chain armor, which glanced off, and twice on the starboard side. The projectiles were solid eight-inch shot. Nobody was injured. The Port Royal was struck by a solid shot, but not much damaged. Captain Morris was struck by a musket ball in the leg, but not seriously injured. The E. A. Stevens fired two or three shot at a great range, when her Parrott gun burst, and she dropped out of action. One of her men was shot in the arm, but not much hurt; and Captain Constable was stunned by the bursting of the gun, but not seriously affected. Fifteen men, including the gunner were killed on the Galena, and a number wounded. The object of the reconnoissance being fully accomplished and the river cleared of obstructions to within eight miles of Richmond, the whole fleet returned to City Point — the Aroostook, Port Royal and Stevens battery reaching there that night, and the Galena and Monitor the next morning. The next day the Port Royal was sent to Jamestown to bury the dead, the Stevens’ battery to Fortress Monroe, and the Aroostook to Fort Powhatan, to prevent the obstruction of the channel, or building of a fort at that place. The Galena and Monitor remained at City Point. Too much praise cannot be give to Commander Rodgers and the other officers of the expedition for the gallant manner in which the boats were handled, and for the rapidity and accuracy of their fire, exposed as they were at anchor in a narrow channel to a heavy plunging fire from a casemated battery, and of musketry from the banks. The narrowness and shallow water of the channel, and the close range at which the gunboats lay — being only from 600 to 1,000 yards from the battery — made it one of the most brilliant actions of the war, and the small loss sustained is very surprising. On Sunday we returned to City Point with the Maratanza and Wachusett. On Monday, the 19th, the Paymaster, Lieut. Stockwell, of Cleveland, Ohio; Chief Engineer C. H. Baker, of Boston, Mass., and the surgeon and army telegraph officer from the Wachusett, visited City Point, and were surprised and made prisoners, together with five seamen. The rest of the party being warned that men were coming, tried to escape in the boat, but when about a boat’s length from the shore were fired upon, and the master’s mate, Thomas Almy, and a seaman, Wm. Pearce, were killed, and three others were wounded. Only one man escaped unhurt, and he finally got the sail up, and brought the boat off safely. The surgeon went to visit some sick people, and the act was one of cowardly treachery, as they sheltered themselves behind women and children, and had flags of truce flying from every house, which prevented our burning the town. The Aroostook, on Tuesday, was sent with the bodies to Jamestown. The were buried with military honors; Plain headboards mark their final resting place. We returned here on Wednesday, and were greatly surprised at the accounts we saw in the papers. The impression there conveyed is that the wooden gunboats were of no use at all, and had no share in the actions. This is an entire mistake — to call it by a mild name — for not only did they follow the iron-clad gunboats closely to the batteries and pass them as many times, and were as long under fire, but they were of the greatest importance and service in towing the Galena off shoals, and in sounding and buoying out the channel.
May
27
May 27, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
The steamer Caldwell reached the city last evening from the Nellie, having on board a part of the cargo of the latter. Mr. ENSLOW, the agent of the Nellie, also arrived from her, and from him we learn that the steamer has begun to leak, in consequence of the heavy sea to which she was exposed on Sunday night and Monday morning, and that she has worked up on the beach, where she is left dry at low water. Much of the merchandize has been landed in good order, and it is thought that all will be saved, though some of it may be damaged. On Monday afternoon two of the Yankee gunboats came within about one mile and a half of the beach, and threw shot and shell at the Nellie for several hours, some of which fell short, others passing over head, but several came in dangerous proximity both to the Nellie and Caldwell, but nobody was hurt, so far as we could learn.
Reports from below state that the blockading fleet on Monday morning ran off a propeller which was trying to make this harbor. The enemy’s vessels fired at her for some time, when she stood to the southward. On Saturday afternoon a steamer was seen among the blockaders which looked like a prize. A fast vessel, a good pilot, a certain knowledge of the position of your vessel before the day dawns, and not too much fear of Yankee shells, are indispensable requisites, now-a-days, for running the blockade.
← Previous Page — Next Page →
