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by John Beauchamp Jones

MAY 31ST.—Everybody is upon the tip-toe of expectation. It has been announced (in the streets!) that a battle would take place this day, and hundreds of men, women, and children repaired to the hills to listen, and possibly to see, the firing. The great storm day before yesterday, it is supposed, has so swollen the Chickahominy as to prevent McClellan’s left wing from retreating, and reinforcements from being sent to its relief. The time is well chosen by Gen. Johnston for the attack, but it was bad policy to let it be known where and when it would be made; for, no doubt, McClellan was advised of our plans an hour or so after they were promulged in the streets. Whose fault is this? Johnston could hardly be responsible for it, because he is very reticent, and appreciates the importance of keeping his purposes concealed from the enemy. Surely none of his subordinates divulged the secret, for none but generals of division knew it. It must have been found out and proclaimed by some one in the tobacco interest. It is true, Mr. Randolph told Mr. Jacques a great battle would begin at 8 A.M., to-day; but he would not propagate such news as that!
But the battle did not occur at the time specified. Gen. Huger’s division was not at the allotted place of attack at the time fixed upon. His excuse is that there was a stream to cross, and understanding Gen. Longstreet was his senior in command (which is not the fact, however), he permitted his division to have precedence. All the divisions were on the ground in time but Huger’s, but still no battle. Thousands of impatient spectators are venting their criticisms and anathemas, like an audience at a theater when some accident or disarrangement behind the scenes prevents the curtain from rising.
At last, toward noon, a few guns are heard; but it was not till 4 P.M. that Huger’s division came upon the field. Nevertheless, the battle began in earnest before that hour ; and we could hear distinctly not only the cannon but the musketry.
The hearts of our soldiers have been inspired with heroic resolution, and their arms nerved with invincible power to overcome the difficulties known to be in the way. Every one is aware that the camp of the enemy, on this side of the Chickahominy, is almost impregnably intrenched; and in front of the works trees have been cut down and the limbs sharpened, so as to interpose every obstacle to our advance.
Ever and anon after rapid firing of cannon, and a tremendous rattle of musketry, a pause would ensue; and we knew what this meant! A battery had been taken at the point of the bayonet, and we cheered accordingly. One after another, we could in this manner perceive the strongholds of the enemy fall into our hands.
Toward sundown it was apparent that the intrenched camp had been taken; and as the deep booming of cannon became more distant, and the rattle of musketry less distinct, we felt certain that the foe was flying, and that our men were pursuing them. But we knew that our men would take everything they were ordered to take. They care not for wounds and death. This is their only country. But the enemy have a country to run to, and they hope to live, even if defeated here. If they kill all our young men, the old men and women, and even our children, will seize their arms and continue the conflict.
At night. The ambulances are coming in with our wounded. They report that all the enemy’s strong defenses were stormed, just as we could perceive from the sounds. They say that our brave men suffered much in advancing against the intrenchments, exposed to the fire of cannon and small arms, without being able to see the foe under their shelter ; but when they leaped over the breastworks and turned the enemy’s guns on them, our loss was more than compensated. Our men were shot in front; the enemy in the back—and terrible was the slaughter. We got their tents, all standing, and a sumptuous repast that had just been served up when the battle began. Gen. Casey’s headquarters were taken, and his plate and smoking viands were found on his table. His papers fell into our hands. We got a large amount of stores and refreshments, so much needed by our poor braves! There were boxes of lemons, oranges, brandies and wines, and all the luxuries of distant lands which enter the unrestricted ports of the United States. These things were narrated by the pale and bleeding soldiers, who smiled in triumph at their achievement. Not one in the long procession of ambulances uttered a complaint. Did they really suffer pain from their wounds? This question was asked by thousands, and the reply was, “not much.” Women and children and slaves are wending to the hospitals, with baskets of refreshments, lint, and bandages. Every house is offered for a hospital, and every matron and gentle (laughter, a tender nurse.
But how fares it with the invader? Unable to recross the swollen Chickahominy, the Yankees were driven into an almost impenetrable swamp, where they must pass the night in water up to their knees. The wounded borne off by them will have no ministrations from their sisters and mothers, and their dead are abandoned on the field. If Huger had come up at the time appointed, the enemy would have been ruined.

May 31, 1862, The New York Herald

The news of the evacuation by the rebel army under Beauregard of their stronghold of Corinth created in this city yesterday quite a breeze of excitement, and every variety of speculation and conjecture as to the present designs and plans of Jeff. Davis and the movements of his armies.

The prevailing idea was that if Beauregard had abandoned Corinth it was because he had transferred a large proportion of his army to Richmond. There is, too, some plausibility in this theory, if we may judge from recent events and revelations in Virginia. While General McClellan’s powerful army is close upon Richmond, and is steadily and solidly approaching nearer from day to day, we find that the rebel leaders in that quarter have contrived not only to maintain all the appearances in front of a superior opposing force and of an impending desperate struggle for the “Confederate” capital, but that they have also contrived to reinforce very heavily the columns of Jackson, Ewell, Johnson and other rebel guerrillas among the mountains of Western Virginia and the Shenandoah Valley. Thus they have not only prevented the junction of General Fremont with General Banks, but have managed, with overwhelming numbers, to drive the latter, by forced marches, day and night, completely out of the Shenandoah valley and across the Potomac river into Maryland — involving the loss to us of several depots of valuable military stores, a considerable proportion of prisoners of war, the protection of large numbers of sick and wounded soldiers, and all the moral advantages which had been gained among the local population of a conquered region of ten thousand square miles.

Such events as these are well calculated to strengthen the impression that Beauregard, from his camp at Corinth, has of late been so reinforcing the rebel army at Richmond as to enable it to provide for these successful Virginia forays in the rear of Washington, and at the same time to exhibit from day to day a bolder front against General McClellan. We incline, however, to the theory that Beauregard has his eye upon Memphis, and is only maneuvering to secure the back door of escape for his army and to Jeff. Davis & Co. across the Mississippi river. Once over that stream, he can find subsistence in Arkansas to carry him into Texas, and in Texas to carry him safely into Mexico. But he has no time to lose. Commodore Farragut’s gunboats from New Orleans are steadily moving up the Mississippi. A few days more and the gap between them and Memphis will be closed — an operation which, if he does not move at once, will enclose Beauregard, and cut off his escape in that direction and his present sources of subsistence.

In his camp at Corinth his principal supplies — collected in the surrounding counties of Tennessee and in Arkansas — are drawn from Memphis, because the cotton region of country south of Corinth to the Gulf was, even a year ago, short of provisions for its local population, although receiving constantly large amounts, now cut off, from Tennessee and Kentucky. Of course, then, with the country south of him exhausted, and with the region to the westward, which only scantily supplies him now, in danger of being cut off, Beauregard must move forward and fight or evacuate, or he will be starved out. Hence our impression that he retains the bulk of his army, in order to work his way to the right bank of the Mississippi before it is too late; and the probability is that he has commenced that undertaking.

There is nothing to eat for his army of 150,000 men to the eastward, or we might assume that he has been and is moving it to form a junction with the rebel army of Richmond. We dare say that the chief object of these late rebel raids in the Shenandoah valley and in the mountains of Virginia farther west was the capture of our depots of provisions at various points; for the rebel army at Richmond is upon short rations, if we may judge from the famine prices of provisions of all descriptions there, as published in the Richmond newspapers.

But whatever the designs of the rebels may be, East or West, we see from their recent operations, from Winchester back among the Virginia mountains almost to Kentucky, that they exceed us in numbers at every point of collision. It follows that if, with half a million of soldiers in the field, we cannot spare enough from other quarters to overwhelm at every point the rebels in Virginia, the President has acted very wisely in calling for more troops from our loyal and patriotic people to supply all these deficiencies in Virginia, from General Banks to General Fremont. We hope, therefore, that the President will encourage the splendid volunteering now going on until at least two hundred thousand additional troops are in the field; for then we can so strengthen our surrounding cordon of armies in every quarter as to enable them to move all together upon the beleaguered enemy, and, in a single dash, to crush out this rebellion and utterly destroy its means for any further resistance, even of guerilla warfare.

We are prepared, meantime, for such news from General Halleck, and General McClellan at any moment as will substantially end this war; but the complete work will only be the more speedily and cheaply accomplished with an additional army force of two or three hundred thousand men. They can be raised in thirty days. Our late expensive reverses are due to the malign influences, intrigues and schemes of the abolition faction of Congress against General McClellan. We have had enough of this. Now let us go forward and put down at once this rebellion, and thus put an end to these abolition schemes for the demoralization of our army and the overthrow of the Union and the government.

May 31, 1862, The New York Herald

WILLIAMSPORT, May 28, 1862.

It is no longer contraband to state that from the hour of recall from the pursuit of Jackson beyond Harrisonburg, and the […..] up of all General Banks’ army except two small infantry brigades, fourteen guns and two regiments of comparatively inexperienced cavalry, every officer was firmly imbued with the belief that should Jackson and Ewell combine to assail us we were completely at their mercy. It must be supposed that all the force above mentioned could be concentrated to repulse the enemy in case of an attack. At least one half of the infantry force was required for special service, such as guarding trains of wagons, bridges, railroads, &c., while the cavalry were required to be continually on the scout to guard against surprise.

When your correspondent temporarily left camp at Strasburg on the Sunday previous to the bloody affair at Front Royal, it was known that hordes of guerillas were swarming the mountains and lakes of the north and south forks of the Shenandoah on our rear and flanks; but no indications could be obtained of any contemplated attack. Still the very weakness of our army would, is known to the rebel commanders, be sufficient to induce an onslaught with even equal numbers.

At the hotel in Front Royal, on the night of the 18th your correspondent saw an accomplished prostitute who has figured largely in the rebel cause, and having seen her but a short time previous at Martinsburg, her presence at Front Royal at a time when the rebels were surrounding it, suspicions were aroused that she meant mischief. She was pointed out to the military commanders there and her arrest ordered. It is now known that she was the bearer of an extensive correspondence between the rebels inside and outside of our lines. I have the following statement from an officer who participated in the battle at Front Royal: — After you left Front Royal, Bell Boyd made a trip to Winchester, in company with a cavalry officer. While there she was arrested by the military authorities, but, with her usual adroitness and assumed innocence, she got clear of any charge of treachery, and returned to Front Royal again. An hour previous to the attack on Colonel Kenly, Belle went out on a rise of ground south of the town, and was seen to wave her handkerchief towards the point from which the centre of the attack was made.

Your correspondent cannot vouch for the strict accuracy of all the foregoing, but undeniably proof exists here of her treason. Belle now reposes on her laurels in the rebel camp.

The first intelligence of the attack on Front Royal was brought to Winchester by one of the Ira Harris Guard, and was telegraphed to General Banks at Strasburg by Captain Flagg, Assistant Quartermaster United States Army. But fifteen minutes elapsed after the rebels were discovered before Colonel Kenly’s command was completely surrounded. The details of the murderous affair having been published are omitted in this letter.

The large quantity of medicines and surgical instruments and hospital stores at Winchester were destroyed by Medical Purveyor Baxter while the enemy were in town. Dr. Baxter passed through a storm of balls and shells, and was several times fired on from the Taylor House, where he had boarded for weeks.

Collis’ Zouaves d’Afrique, a battalion of Ira Harris Guard, under Colonel De Forrest: Captain Hampton, of the Pittsburg battery, a few of his men, and a small body of infantry, were cut off by the main body of the enemy between Middletown and Winchester.

The whole force consisted of less than one thousand men. The Zouaves and cavalry had been detailed to destroy the bridges after our retreat. Captain Hampton, after securing his guns, went to the rear to bring off his battery wagon and forge. Finding their retreat cut off, they retraced the road to Strasburg. Several times Hampton checked pursuit by the enemy’s cavalry by mounting a stove pipe on his carriage and placing it in position till the infantry has passed ahead. The ruse was not discovered by the enemy. Reaching Strasburg, this force collected thirty-five abandoned wagons loaded with commissary stores. Thence they took the mountain road north, and by a circuitous route, and came in sight of Winchester only to find themselves in the enemy’s rear. Taking the road to Bath, followed by a battalion of rebel cavalry, they finally reached the Potomac near Hancock and reached here last night with but small loss. On one occasion the Zouaves (only about seventy in number) kept at bay for a quarter of an hour a brigade of the enemy, and perhaps saved the whole force. The Zouaves are General Banks’ body guard, and appear to have been well selected for such an important duty. The following is their loss: — Killed, Jaques Laurier, William McClane, James M. Britton. Wounded, Charles Fedelaw. Missing, none. At Hancock the Zouaves found secreted and brought off six cases of rifles.

Less than fifty wagons, out of about 500, including many considered worthless by General Shields when he left this column, have been lost, and the enemy have derived but little benefit from what was abandoned on the road. A large amount of old camp equipage turned over to the Quartermaster was burnt. One of the principal acquisitions by the enemy was between 600 and 1,000 European rifles, left there by General Shields when he joined Gen. Banks’ command. The safety of so large a portion of our transportation and stores is undoubtedly attributable to the experience of Capt. Holabird, Chief Quartermaster, and Capt. Beckwith, Chef Commissary.

Brigadier General S. W. Crawford, late surgeon under Anderson at Fort Sumter, and afterwards Inspector General under Gen. Rosecrans, in Western Virginia, has been appointed to the First brigade of Gen. Williams’ division, recently commanded by Col. Donnelly.

Messengers just report (three P.M.) heavy firing between Harper’s Ferry and Charleston. Our picket on the Virginia side of the Potomac have been driven by a superior force of the enemy.

May 31, 1862, The New York Herald

Our Special Army Correspondence.

WASHINGTON, N.C., May 25, 1862.

The correspondence that I sent you, that occurred between Major General Burnside and the Generals commanding the rebel forces in this State, has explained quite fully to you why the large number of Union prisoners that have been detained in this State have been finally released. The great exertions of General Burnside have been, as usual, blessed with an entire and most flattering success; and the joy that it occasioned must be felt in all parts of the country that have proved loyal and true to the constitution and the Union. It is, of course, useless for me to dilate upon the happiness that will be experienced by thousands, from the fact that some fourteen or fifteen hundred men will be once more restored in safety to their firesides and the bosoms of their families and friends. Apart from those ties that are always sacred, how many more will rejoice that so many brave and noble fellows will be freed from a long and cruel confinement among those who should have been the first to welcome them with outstretched hands and hospitable hearts, as brothers. The many and well authenticated accounts that we have received of the horrors of warehouses, “mills” and “sheds,” will materially increase the depth of this feeling, and render the welcome that those true patriots will be certain to get on their return to their homes, more impressive and lasting. Men who nobly rushed forward at the hour of need to rescue their country from the curse of a vast rebellion, and who, after fighting as only such men can fight, were incarcerated in Southern dungeons and subjected to the most horrible treatment for a year, should, upon their happy deliverance, receive an ovation at the hands of the people that would testify the way their services have been appreciated, and which would be to them of more value than all the passive admiration that could be bestowed upon them. It would stimulate them to still further exertions, and prove to the world at large how earnest are the people for the restoration of this country to its former position, as second to none on the face of the earth.

New York need no pressing on such a matter, as she, with her natural impulsiveness, is always ready and willing to spring forward and render the proper homage to those who deserve it. Everywhere, then, let these noble fellows be received with shouts that will be a slight recompense for the sufferings they have endured, and make them feel that, in all cases, absence does not conquer love.

At the time the news of the expected delivery of the prisoners to the federal authorities was made known, your correspondent was staying at Newbern, waiting for an advance; but a desire to be among the first to welcome back to their homes this band of patriots, as well as a wish to impart to the readers of the HERALD an idea of them as they first returned to us, prompted me to step on board the steamer Cossack, Captain Bennett, that had been ordered to proceed to Washington, N. C., and there to receive on board as many of the men as she could safely carry and convey them to New York. We left Newbern on the 23d of May (and, by a singular coincidence it was Friday), and after a short and very pleasant passage, owing to the kindness of the captain and his officers, we reached the blockade just five miles below Washington. As the Cossack was much too large a steamer to get through the obstructions, she anchored below them, and we went the balance of the way in small boats rowed by contrabands. We expected to find the first instalment of prisoners there when we entered the town, but we were much surprised to learn that we were the first bearers of these glad tidings. Colonel Potter, commanding the forces here, was not aware of the fact, and, I need not say, was much pleased to know that such a thing was about to take place. We consequently settled ourselves down to patiently await the coming of the gallant fellows but Saturday and Sunday passed over, and still no signs of their appearance. There was some little discussion as to how they were to come, and why this route was to be taken, instead of Beaufort, which would be much better. The intention, as understood, was to take them down to Tarboro, and down on flats to Washington, as the depth of water in the Tar river is not great enough to permit a steamer to ascend any distance. The Beaufort route would only create a great deal of unnecessary trouble, as many of the railroad bridges between Goldsboro and Newbern have been destroyed by the rebels. The only trouble anticipated is, that in crossing the swash the Cossack, with her large living freight, may be unable to get over, and cause much trouble in the transfer of the men to another vessel. However, I will not anticipate trouble unnecessarily, but will hope that no evil will attend their passage home.

May 31, 1862, The Charleston Mercury

In pursuance of orders, General RIPLEY, on Thursday morning, left the scene of his labors every since the secession of South Carolina, to join the grand army of Virginia at Richmond. He was accompanied by Captain LEO. D. WALKER, Chief of Staff, and Captain FRANK RAVENEL, Aid, with Captains ROLLINS LOWNDES, WILLIAM KIRKLAND and JULIAN MITCHELL, Volunteer Aids. We wish them a speedy transit, and the opportunity of achievements in the field.

We have already mentioned, as the cause of General RIPLEY’S transfer, a difference of opinion between the Commanding General of the Division and himself, touching the relative danger of land and water attack this spring and summer, and the relative importance of field and harbor works; but especially concerning the abandonment of Coles’ Island and Battery Island, in the Stone River, and Cat Island, near Georgetown, contrary to his judgment. Differing materially in his views, he conceived it justice to all parties not to occupy a position so responsible, without the ability to carry out his own ideas. Hence his request repeated, and the late transfer. In stating these facts, we express no opinion. The future will tell its own tale.

We take the occasion of his departure to notice the services General RIPLEY has rendered South Carolina and the city of Charleston. On a former occasion we stated his usefulness, as Lieutenant Colonel of the Battalion of South Carolina Artillery, in putting Fort Moultrie in fighting trim, after its abandonment by ANDERSON, and in organizing and disciplining his command to its very high condition of efficiency, as evinced by the fight of April 12th and 13th. We also alluded to his indefatigable labors in getting the wreck of Fort Sumter into its present state of strength for the defence of the harbor.

Late in the summer, on the 27th of August, in accordance with the almost unanimous wish of the people of Charleston, Gen. RIPLEY was made a Brigadier General, and assumed command of the defences of the State. Many of the works along the coast had been located by Gen. Beauregard, and had been going on under the supervision of Major Trapier, who himself located some of them. The works were unfinished. The guns intended for them were scattered along the coast without proper carriages, and without ammunition. Many of them were afterwards got from Richmond by the exertions of Gen. GONZALES. The troops — few in number, badly armed and not well disciplined — were distributed about the State — on the islands and in the interior — and were suffering from camp diseases.

The fortifications on Hilton Head and Bay Point were built, according to written specifications of Gen. BEAUREGARD, by Captains LEE and GREGORIE, of the Engineer Corps, supervised by Major TRAPIER — the General’s first impression being changed. These works were visited on the 10th of September, for the first time, by Gen. RIPLEY. They were approaching completion. At Bay Point he ordered cross traverses and a covered way on the exterior of Fort Beauregard to be added, and at Narrows, an entrenchment across the Island. In the rear of Fort Walker, on Hilton Head, he directed an entrenched camp to be constructed, if there should be time, after the completion of the work, with bomb proofs for the protection of the infantry which was to support it. Gen. RIPLEY had only time left to make the best of what had been done, and to carry out the plans of others as well as he could. His own idea was, in preference, to have abandoned Bay Point, put double the work and all the guns on Hilton Head, to have closed Beaufort River at Fort Littleton by obstructions and a strong battery. Also, to have permitted ingress and egress into Broad River under the fire of the Hilton Head batteries, as at Pensacola Bay — protected by a strong entrenched camp, rendered bomb proof — with Scull Creek closed up, and the ferry to the main secured. But the expedition from the North was notoriously afoot, and there was no time to make these changes.

About the end of September, Gen. DRAYTON was commissioned and ordered to take charge of that portion of the State. He assumed command about the middle of October. The attack of the grand fleet of the United States occurred on the 7th of November. The two forts litely finished were manned by raw troops, working the insufficient and hastily mounted armament — the last gun mounted only the day before the fight. They had but 20,000 pounds of powder and were without previous artillery practice. After a terrific bombardment, bravely sustained, they yielded. The expedition was more formidable than any one had expected, and the guns of Fort Walker, owing to the inexperience of the gunners and the want of powder and practice, were not as well served as it had been hoped they might be. However great the disappointment, subsequent events have proved that the result of that fight was not so discreditable as was at first thought. General RIPLEY, leaving General TRAPIER at Charleston, got to Hilton Head late in the engagement, only in time to say to General Drayton that he was ready to support him with reinforcements in resisting any attempt to land or storm the work if he was disposed to hold the island. With this understanding he went to Bluffton to collect and bring up troops, having written to Commodore Tatnall requesting him to obstruct Scull Creek by sinking one of his fleet across it, and having send despatches for all available troops. While there, before night, intelligence reached him that the plan of holding the island had been abandoned, the work was evacuated, and that our forces were in full retreat for the ferry and the main, where they arrive that night. By the exertions of Capt. THOMAS M. HANCKEL, of Gen. RIPLEY’S staff, in collecting flat boats, the whole command on Bay Point Island was enabled to make a safe retreat. Gen. LEE, of Virginia, arrived at Hardeeville that evening, as Major General who commanded South Carolina and Georgia. At 10 o’clock, p.m., he held an interview with General RIPLEY, and assumed command.

It is due to General BEAUREGARD’S reputation to say that the requirements of his specifications, viz: fifteen guns, including six shell guns of heavy caliber, bearing on the channel from each side of the entrance to Port Royal, were never furnished. The armament of each fort was inferior to his requisition.

The Charleston and Savannah Railroad was adopted as the line of defence by Gen. LEE. In preparation for its security, Gen. RIPLEY labored assiduously for two or three weeks at Pocotaligo and Coosawatchie, under the direction of the General. He was then ordered to assume again the command of Charleston. In the mean time, under the expectation of enterprise on the part of the enemy, and early attacks towards Charleston, the works at North and South Edisto had been dismantled and the guns removed, to the great regret of Gen. RIPLEY, who deemed it unnecessary and injurious.

Gen. RIPLEY had, all last summer, made experiments to obstruct the harbor, so as to hold vessels, attempting an entrance, under the powerful batteries of Fort Sumter and Fort Moultrie. The enemy had, however, partially blocked the harbor by the celebrated stone fleet, showing that no immediate intention was entertained of attacking Charleston by water. It was clear that any attack would be made by land; and to meet this danger Gen. RIPLEY devoted himself to the land defences within his district. To this end he erected the entrenchments of James Island, building them for the distance of several miles with redoubts and lunettes. He located and constructed the entrenchments in Christ Church, extending several miles; and also those across the Neck, near the city. He built the batteries on the south side of Wappoo River, and strengthened and added to the batteries on Coles’ Island and Battery Island, located by Gen. BEAUREGARD. He commenced the Fort on Middle Ground Shoal in the harbor, and equipped and mounted Castle Pinckney. General LEE approved of his plans and labors. Thus matters went on, until the naval combat between the Virginia and the Monitor developed the grave fact that iron-clad vessels could be constructed to resist the heaviest batteries, and that forts were inadequate to protect our harbors. Seacoast cities could be captured, in a comparatively cheap and easy method, by the water approach. General RIPLEY now judged the danger to be from this quarter, and was desirous, over two months since, to commence the herculean task of substantially obstructing the harbor of Charleston. He was also desirous of erecting a strong work for a number of guns at Vinegar Hill, on Morris Island, with a supporting battery under the guns of Fort Sumter. These works were wanted for the security of Fort Sumter from batteries. But the land defences were still not completed, and Major General PEMBERTON succeeding Gen. LEE, still deemed that there was danger from a land attack. He caused all the force at the disposal of General RIPLEY to be employed in strengthening James Island. Latterly, however, since the fall of New Orleans, steps have been taken for harbor obstruction. The fall of Fort Pulaski, under the fire of land batteries mounted with Parrott guns, indicated the necessity of protecting Fort Sumter from a similar attack from Morris Island; and steps have now been taken to prevent their erection.

It is not probable the enemy will attack Charleston until their preparations of iron clad gunboats are complete, and until, too, they shall be able to spare a formidable land force for the enterprise. This may not be until after they win one of the great pending battles. With success and activity on the part of our grand armies, the attack on this city may be indefinitely postponed. Our danger is from delay and inactivity. In this view, the best defence of Charleston will be made at Richmond and at Corinth. Decisive victories there will incapacitate the enemy from attempting its reduction under circumstances favorable to their success and without danger of failure.

We have thus briefly mentioned General RIPLEY’S chief services in South Carolina. He has throughout labored devotedly and intelligently for our security. Night and day his office has been open, and his zeal and energy have never flagged. With great fertility of resource and courage in undertaking, his military knowledge is high and his judgment excellent. Although brusque in manners and unpopular with some, he has inspired the utmost confidence and respect in all those associated with him in military matters. Whatever ignorance and prejudice may conceive — in our opinion, Gen. RIPLEY is an officer of great skill and energy. Whatever the loss to Charleston, it will be gain to the army of Virginia.

May 31, 1862, The New York Herald

Our Special Army Correspondence.
CAMP ON THE CHICKAHOMINY.
NEAR RICHMOND, May 26, 1862.
Yesterday we again pulled up stakes and departed for the vicinity of the rebel capital. The country as we progress becomes more open and diversified, and houses, which, since we left the immediate vicinity of Yorktown, were few and far between, now spring up from points on every side, and give to the country an air of civilization which is refreshing to behold. Some of these residences still retain their look of cheerfulness, and not a few of them are inhabited by the families of the owners, minus the males, with the exception of those who are of such an advanced age as to be unable to enter the army of Jefferson Davis. In one of these houses, distant about seven miles from Richmond, and now some miles within our lines, was found the family of the rebel General Robert Lee, consisting of Mrs. Lee, her daughter-in-law, the wife of Colonel Lee, of the Kent Cavalry, and two nieces. From what I can learn concerning them, it appears that they were sent here from Richmond by General Lee, about six days before our forces advanced and took possession, and have been living here under guard of Union soldiers since the arrival of our advanced guard. When the grand army came up, one of our generals sent a party of soldiers to search the house occupied by Mrs. Lee and family, with a view to secure some valuable papers which were supposed to be secreted in the house. The soldiers made the search, and after having become satisfied that there was nothing contraband, except the ladies, on the premises, were about to depart, when Mrs. Lee handed a note to the officer in charge, which was directed to the commanding officer of the division, with the request that it should be handed to him in person. The note was delivered per instructions, and is as follows:
TO THE GENERAL IN COMMAND: —
SIR — I have patiently and humbly submitted to a search of my house by men under your command, who are satisfied that there is nothing here, that they want, all the plate and other valuables having long since been removed to Richmond, and are now beyond the reach of any Northern marauders who may wish for their possession.
WIFE OF ROBERT LEE, General C. S. A.
What this note was intended for is plainly to be seen, and how it took the General can be better imagined than written; but what occasions most surprise is the fact that of their having been sent to this place by Gen. Lee, who could not but know that our troops would take possession of the place in a few days, perhaps hours. Is it safer for the families of rebel generals to be within the lines of the despised Union army? Or have the tables been turned, and the army of Jeff. Davis taken up that which was ascribed to the army of Abraham Lincoln, viz: the burning of property, ravishing of innocent females and laying desolate the happy firesides of peaceful citizens whose only wish has been to be alone? We live with the expectation of seeing Mrs. Davis and family within the present week, and of welcoming her to the care of Union soldiers.
We are now lying within close shooting distance of the rebels, and occasionally one of our pickets is made to bite the dust by the hand of some lurking rebels. The work goes on spiritedly, and the weather could not be more propitious.

May 31, 1862, The Charleston Mercury

The details, thus far received, of the affair at Pocotaligo, are scant. As mentioned in this paper of yesterday, the enemy’s forces did not advance beyond Old Pocotaligo — two miles from the line of the railroad. Checked at that point, they began their retreat by our troops. The fighting was kept up until about noon yesterday. Of the relative losses on both sides we have no authentic statement; but passengers, who arrived by the Savannah Railroad yesterday afternoon, stated that quite a number of the Yankee marauders had been killed, wounded and made prisoners, while our loss was comparatively small.

A private despatch from Capt. W.L. TRENHOLM, of the Rutledge Mounted Riflemen, dated last evening, says that the fight was then over. Dr. P. C. GODDARD, a private in the Mounted Riflemen, was killed. Private G. C. HUGHES was wounded, and is a prisoner in the hands of the enemy. Private C. J. LAWTON was seriously, and private ROBERT STEWART slightly, wounded.

Dr. GODDARD was a practicing physician in Monroe, Walton county, Ga. He was born, we believe, in the Parish of St. John’s Berkley, and when the war broke out, hastened to enter the ranks of the defenders of his native State. He had just been appointed Assistant Surgeon of the Eutaw Regiment, but, at the time of his death, he had not yet been apprised of the fact. He leaves a widow, the daughter of the late JAMES WHITE, of this city.

We give below an account of the fight, taken from the Savannah News of Friday:

The enemy landed from their gunboats yesterday morning, one thousand to fifteen hundred strong, and suddenly advanced towards the line of the Savannah and Charleston Railroad. They had advanced as far as Old Pocotaligo, about a mile and a half from the road, when they were met by the Rutledge Mounted Riflemen, numbering ninety men, when a sharp skirmish ensued. The Riflemen, being the only troops, held the Yankees at bay for some time, fighting them at short range across the old road. Just before reinforcements arrived the enemy made a precipitate retreat in the direction of their gunboats, pursued by Col. Walker, with a body of cavalry, who came upon the ground just as the enemy retired.

The Rutledge Mounted Riflemen, who, our informant says, had all the first of the fight on our side to themselves, lost one man killed and three wounded, with one or two taken prisoners by the Yankees, who are reported to have had three men killed. Col. Walker, of the cavalry, had his horse shot under him.

The appearance of the enemy at that point was sudden and unexpected, and their retreat so precipitate that our troops did not have an opportunity to punish their temerity. The movement was no doubt a feint to draw our forces from Charleston, for if they seriously intended to make an attempt to get possession of the road, their effort was a very feeble one. The conduct of the Rutledge Rifle corps is spoken of in high terms of praise.

May 31, 1862, The Charleston Mercury

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

CORINTH, May 23d.

Two days ago I was congratulating myself that I had returned to Corinth just in time to witness the battle of the West. I found the army in a state of great excitement owing to the very general belief that its fate was to be decided within forty-eight hours. But these forty-eight hours have passed, and we are still where we were a week ago. It is useless to make any further predictions. My expectation of this fight seemed to be based upon facts, and its disappointment does not encourage me to look again into the future.

It is now raining heavily, so of course all operations must be suspended for the present. Halleck is fortifying himself at a very short distance from our lines. It is my opinion that he will not, if he can avoid it, be forced to fight until he feels himself perfectly prepared. He is mounting siege guns upon the neighboring hills, and when he is ready, he will probably proceed to batter this position with shell and ball for eight or ten days, killing very few, perhaps, and doing no great harm, but exhausting our men by the ceaseless watchfulness which they will be compelled to assume. That object attained, he will then, I suppose, advance to the general assault.

A prisoner brought in yesterday reports that the enemy have lain for the last two nights on their arms, looking for an attack from us. He adds, that Siegel has lately come up with large reinforcements, and that others are behind.

I regret to say that desertions from our army are very frequent. Fifty-eight men left a Tennessee regiment in one day. One wretch of this description — a deserter from Hindman’s brigade — was captured and shot yesterday morning.

The utter falsehood of the rumor, which I mentioned in my last, from Columbus, as to Halleck having withdrawn across the Tennessee River, will show you what little dependence is to be placed on reports originating at a distance from the scene of operations. Here also canards, almost as outrageous, are forever floating on the surface of conversation. These, of course, I shall not trouble you with repeating.

KAPPA.

May 31, 1862, The Charleston Mercury

The Savannah News of Friday says: ‘The Yankee gunboats, mentioned by us as being in the river below Fort Jackson on Wednesday, were still in view yesterday, but had taken positions further down, near Tennessee Creek. It is thought by some that the boats were engaged in removing their batteries on Oakly Island, and large volumes of white smoke rising in that direction, yesterday afternoon, induced the belief that they were burning their cabins at their abandoned batteries. Others are of opinion that the steamers brought men and guns for the erection of batteries on Elba Island, with a view to shell our batteries.’

by John Beauchamp Jones

MAY 30TH.—It is said some of the enemy’s mounted pickets rode through the city last night! Northern papers manifest much confidence in the near approach of the downfall of Richmond, and the end of the “rebellion.” The 15th of June is the utmost limit allowed us for existence. A terrific storm arose yesterday; and as our scouts report the left wing of the enemy on this side of the Chickahominy, Gen. Johnston has determined to to attack it to-morrow. Thank God, we are strong enough to make the attack!

May 30, 1862, The New York Herald

THE BOMBARDMENT NEAR CHARLESTON.

What are the Rebel Defences of Charleston?

FORT SUMTER.

The most important defensive work in Charleston harbor for the protection of the city is the famous Fort Sumter. The attack on this fort, it will be recollected, was the first overt act which inaugurated the present rebellion, and which fired the Northern heart to engage in the work of crushing it out. The bombardment was commenced by order of Gen. Beauregard on the 12th of April, 1861, and ended on the 13th by the surrender of the fortification.

Fort Sumter was built by the government at a cost of $677,000. It is completely surrounded by water, and stands three-quarters of a mile from the nearest land and nearly three and a half miles below the city. It mounts one hundred and forty-six guns of the largest calibre. Its strength may be judged of somewhat by the fact that it withstood an attack with shot and shell from two forts and seventeen batteries for thirty-three hours without sustaining any material damage, beyond the burning of its wooden buildings inside its walls.

FORT MOULTRIE.

This fort stands on Sullivan’s Island, and is distant one and one-eighth mile from Fort Sumter. It was originally built of palmetto logs, but the government reconstructed it at a cost of $75,000. When it fell into the hands of the rebels it had the following armament:—

Thirty-two pounders…14
Twenty-four pounders…16
Eight-inch columbiads…10
Eight-inch howitzers… 5
Twenty-four pounder howitzers… 4
Twelve pounder field howitzers… 2
Six pounder field guns… 4
— In all fifty-five pieces.

CASTLE PINCKNEY.

This work is located only one mile from the city, and two and a half miles from Fort Sumter. It is small but well situated, having complete command of the approaches to the wharves. It was a government work, costing $43,000 and was armed when seized by the traitors as follows: —

Forty-two pounders… 4
Twenty-four pounders…14
Eight-inch howitzers… 4
— Being in all twenty-two guns.
All the above forts are casemated, and together are capable of garrisoning one thousand and fifty men.

THE FLOATING BATTERY.

This formidable work was invented by Mr. Stevens, the Cashier of the Planters’ and Mechanics’ Bank of Charleston. The roof of the battery, which is placed on a raft of palmetto logs, is covered with two layers of railroad iron of the T pattern, which are dovetailed together and closely pinned to the logs, and the front glace is protected by sand bags twenty feet thick. It is armed with three sixty-four pounder columbiad, and can accommodate a crew, in an emergency of one hundred men. It is a cumbrous affair, and can be moved from one point to another only with great difficulty.

COLUMBIA BATTERY.

This is erected on Cumming’s or Pelican Point, on the north end of Morris Island, and is the nearest to Fort Sumter. It is an earthwork mounting two columbiads and four ten-inch mortars.

FORT MORRIS BATTERY.

This work mounts four mortars and three columbiads en barbette, which, with the guns in the last named work, have control of the channel at the point mentioned.

GREEN’S BATTERY.

This battery was originally intended to guard against a land attack. It has four columbiads and two forty-two pounders, which command the island on which it is situated.

McCREADY’S BATTERY.

This was also constructed for a land battery, and is armed with three forty-two pounders and one thirty-two pounder.

CHANNEL BATTERY.

This work is situated near the water, and has an armament of only three twenty-four pounders.

STAR OF THE WEST BATTERY.

This battery received its name and became noted from the fact of its having fired into the steamship Star of the West on the 19th of January, 1861, while she was going into the harbor with provisions for the garrison in Fort Sumter. It mounts four twenty-four pounders and one forty-two pounder.

DAHLGREN BATTERY.

This battery, with two ten-inch swivel guns, commands the main channel along Morris Island.

VINEGAR HILL BATTERY. is situated about midway on Morris island, where it is not over one hundred yards across, and very near the ship channel. It mounts only three eighteen- pounders.

LIGHTHOUSE BATTERY.

This work, mounting two forty-two pounders, has a very important position. It is situated near the lighthouse, on an elevation of one hundred feet.

LIGHTHOUSE INLET BATTERY.

This guards the channel through Lighthouse Inlet, and is armed with three twenty-four pounders and two forty-two pounders.

There are a number of other one and two gun batteries on Coles, Goat, Kiawah and Folly islands, some of which, as appears by the above despatch, which we republish today, have already been reduced. The heaviest part of the work, however, is yet to be performed in the passage from the south end of Morris Island to Castle Pinckney.

May 30, 1862, The Charleston Mercury

The community, yesterday, was somewhat startled by the news that the enemy, after so many months of inaction, had at last landed a force, composed chiefly of infantry, in the neighborhood of Page’s Point, and was briskly moving up the Stony Creek road, towards the line of the Charleston and Savannah Railroad. It was known that an action had taken place, but no details were obtained until evening, when the following despatch was received.

POCOTALIGO, Thursday Evening, Six o’clock.

A Federal force was reported by the pickets, as advancing upon Pocotaligo Station, C. & S. Railroad, this morning. Our force consisted of the Rutledge Mounted Riflemen, Captain TRENHOLM, Captain BLAKE HEYWARD’S Cavalry Company, and Major FELDER’S Squadron of four Companies of Cavalry. Colonel WALKER, the Commandant of this Military District, was telegraphed for, […..] to Haredeville, and arrived prior to the engagement. The enemy were held in check until the arrival of nine Companies of Infantry, and a section of the Beaufort Artillery, Capt. ELLIOTT. The enemy’s column penetrated as far as Old Pocotaligo, two miles from the Station. At the date of this despatch they are retreating towards the Ferry, distant nine miles, and our troops are in full pursuit, with some hope of cutting off at least a part of them. Major JEFFORD’S Squadron (three companies), was expected to reach the scene of action by the Combahee road. General PEMBERTON, with Colonel SLAUGHTER’S 51st Georgia Regiment, was also momentarily expected.

We regret to announce that two of the Rutledge Mounted Riflemen were killed in the engagement. Colonel WALKER had a horse killed under him. Other casualties, if any, not yet known.

May 30, 1862, The Charleston Mercury
(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

RICHMOND, Tuesday, May 27.

Our joy at JACKSON’S successes is quieted in a measure by the news of HETH’S reverse near Lewisburg. A letter from a participant states that we had decidedly the advantage until the artillery was ordered to cease firing and change position. The Yankees took advantage of this lull to charge upon one wing of our army, which beat a precipitate retreat, carrying with it the rest, and resulting in a loss of several pieces of cannon and 300 or 400 killed, wounded and missing. We fell back to the narrows of New River, burning the Greenbrier bridge behind us, and this checking pursuit. Somehow misfortune is sure to overtake Mr. Davis’ special pets.

We have no further news from Jackson. It is hoped and believed he will follow up his advantages. We are told that his return down the Valley was hailed enthusiastically by the people, and that the ladies of Harrisonburg made such a demonstration that he was forced to mount his horse and retire in confusion. The Whig cries out ‘Stop him! or he will change the whole policy of the war and demoralize the Government.’

What effect Jackson’s achievements have produced on McDowell, and what success Johnston meets with in his attempt to force McClellan towards the head of the Chickahominy, we know not. The heavy rain which fell for eight or ten hours last night must impede operations considerably. Active but inconsequential shelling is kept up across the bridges, without interfering in the least with the Yankee entrenching. Two companies of the Washington Artillery went out this morning, and yesterday the United Artillery of Norfolk, 170 strong, were put in command of a battery of mounted mortars and rifled 32-pounders. Preparations for the great day go on continually. Two or three regiments of Georgians came in yesterday, and more are expected to-day. Johnston is to be reinforced by 35,000 men, making his force about 95,000, while McClellan’s is estimated at 120,000. Beauregard’s consolidated report shows a total of absent and present of 110,000, with an effective strength of from 80,000 to 90,000. Halleck’s force is perhaps numerically greater than McClellan, but not so effective.

I am told, on good authority, that at the time of the late gunboat panic of the authorities, when the government was busy packing up for a move, Mr. Davis took leave of his wife and children at the depot with tears in his eyes. Gen. Johnston found it necessary to quell the mutinous spirit of his army by making them a little speech, in which he assured them that the day of retreats was past. Davis had no idea of abandoning Richmond without a fight, and that had done wonders in spite of the incubus of the government. This last is, of course, false!

Gen. Whiting sends a communication to the Dispatch, in which he endeavors to dissipate the idea that gunboats are invincible. It will do not harm for the Captains of field artillery to read this communication, and to remember what Lindsay Walker, with four little Parrott guns, did in the contest at Acquia Creek against the Pawnee and others. Once accustom men to the explosion of an 11-inch shell, and the trouble will be over. Noise is the great bugaboo to children and soldiers.

A member of Johnston’s staff tells me that a battle is imminent. The attack will be made in flank, near Hanover Junction, by Longstreet, who, it is said, now commands one of the two corps into which Johnston’s army has been divided, while the other is entrusted to G. W. Smith. Magruder, I am told, is ordered west of the Mississippi river.

HERMES.

May 30, 1862, The New York Herald

OUR SPECIAL ARMY CORRESPONDENCE.

NEW BRIDGE, Va., May 25, 1862.

The enemy’s artillery is not visible; but we are certain that it is in a manner concealed, and last evening it made known its proximity by hurling shell and solid shot within a half mile of our outer camps. The infantry has been less modest in its manifestations, as has been demonstrated by the capture of upwards of thirty prisoners, who were brought to headquarters on Saturday. Twenty-three of them belonged to the celebrated corps of Louisiana Tigers. They were a motley assemblage of well armed, half fed men, who professed great relief at being brought in, and utter disgust at the prospects of the rebels. A lieutenant and three non-commissioned officers were among the prisoners. They report the whole rebel army as living on half rations, and undecided as to the propriety of defending Richmond. They were captured beyond the Chickahominy. Two members of the reconnoissance were killed and three wounded on our side. The enemy had concealed themselves behind a barn on the side of the creek, with the design of capturing our whole advance picket. A field piece was ordered to our front and threw a few shells into the barn. As the enemy scampered away our men picked some of them off with their muskets and captured most of the remainder. These fellows were communicative, and testified to the condition of things in and out of Richmond. They were examined by Major John Minor Willard, who has no rival in the art of extracting information — being not only a fine soldier but an accomplished scholar.

The prisoners, state that there are no fortifications of note before Richmond, save those immediately adjacent to the town. They incline to the belief that we will be offered pitched battle in the open field, and state that they have been induced to this from the ill success of their splendid earthworks at Yorktown and Williamsburg. “Shiloh,” said one of the prisoners, “was a victory for us, and there we gave you a field fight. Yorktown was a defeat, although we met you behind ramparts.”

Mrs. General Robt. E. Lee and her two daughters were captured on Saturday near Hanover Court House, twenty miles from Richmond. They had retired to a farm house, fearful that Richmond would be bombarded, and a scouting party of our cavalry, happening to visit Hanover, were informed of the whereabouts of Mrs. Lee by a contraband. The old lady professed to be highly indignant, and her daughter read our soldiers a lecture upon the duties of chivalry to women. Of course, such heroics passed for so much, and the end of the affair was that a guard was set around the dwelling, and the females told that they must remain in surveillance at Hanover or be removed to Col. Lee’s residence at the White House. No information was obtained from them, as they had not been in Richmond for a month.

The people of Richmond beheld from their homes on Saturday the American flag — for the first time in a year — unfurled from the basket of Lowe’s balloon. It hung above them, poised in the blue serene, like an avenging fate, emblematic of the great army and the indissoluble government that was soon to swoop down upon them with its bolts and bars. The scene was a marked one in the history of the war.

Our pickets can now talk with the enemy’s across the creek. I can see their horsemen riding up and down the slopes in the stretches of grain, and feel that soon the deep artillery of the North and the South is to speak in thunder tones and be the umpire of our destinies.

The enemy’s men are deserting steadily to our side. They state that the term of enlistment of a large part of the rebel army has already expired; but that they are not discharged and are compelled still to bear arms. They consequently demure and leave in great numbers.

Our prison ship at White House now contains upwards of fifty prisoners.

May 30, 1862, The Charleston Mercury

The stir caused by the news from Pocotaligo yesterday afternoon, was considerably increased by the news that the enemy’s gunboats, after entering Stone Inlet, were at their usual work, a few miles below the city. It appears that five gunboats, one of which appeared to be iron-clad, and without masts, steamed up Stone River with the flood tide yesterday morning. They threw a few shells near the camps at Secessionville, proving, conclusively, that our troops there were within range of the gunboats. The Yankees then shelled the steamer DeKalb, forcing her to retire under the guns of Fort Pemberton.

Yesterday afternoon, at flood tide, the steamers began shelling our battery at Newtown-Cut, and the fire was returned. No casualties are reported on our side. One shot from our battery was plainly seen to cut down a mast, and other damage was probably done aboard the gunboats, as our practice was good. This battery was in charge of Capt. SMITH, Company F, (White’s Battalion). Lieut. T. G. WHITE assisted in the command of the battery.

The negros have been removed from the Island, and the cattle are being driven off.

At sunset, last evening, the enemy’s gunboats still remained anchored in the vicinity of our batteries, and it is probable that they will re-open fire this morning.

May 30, 1862, The Charleston Mercury

We get the following from the Savannah News of yesterday:

Yesterday morning two large Yankee steamers came up the river to within a couple of miles, we should judge, of our batteries, and remained there all day. They could be seen from the balconies of the warehouses on the bluff, and with a good glass the men could be seen on their decks. During the morning they fired several shots, in what direction could not be determined by observation from the city. It is probable that they were endeavoring to draw the fire of some one of our batteries, in order to obtain the range of our guns. If this was their object they were disappointed, for their fire was not returned.

These steamers, which are of the largest class, approached nearer to our batteries than any that have entered our river since the enemy have had command of our waters.

It was reported on Tuesday that some five or six Yankee steamers are lying near Fort Pulaski. We also learn that they sent up a balloon on Tuesday morning and again in the afternoon. These circumstances, with others, showing increased activity and boldness on the part of the enemy, authorize us to believe that they have not entirely given over the idea of making a venture in this direction.

For the benefit of those who surmise that this movement is a feint, while the attack will be made on Charleston, we will remark that at no time during the war has the enemy made a feint by water. Confident of his strength, he has invariably advanced boldly up to the mark.

May 30, 1862, The New York Herald

General McClellan effected a brilliant achievement yesterday by burning the bridge over Anna creek, on the line of the Fredericksburg, Richmond and Potomac Railroad — thus cutting off all communication by railroad between Jackson’s army and Richmond. He also sent a squad of cavalry along the same road, eighteen miles from Richmond, and burned all the commissary stores of the rebels stored there.

Our correspondence today furnishes a fine description of the late battle at Hanover Court House.

General McDowell was at Manasas Junction yesterday with a large force, quite sufficient to assist in bagging the army of the rebel General Jackson in the valley of the Shenandoah.

Our news from General Halleck’s command today is highly important. On Wednesday morning three strong reconnoitering parties from the divisions of Generals Thomas, Buell and Pope advanced on the enemy in front of Corinth, and, after a severe contest, drove them back with considerable loss, although they hotly contested every foot of ground. Our advanced posts reached to within gunshot of the enemy’s intrenchments before night, and it was confidently expected that they would open fire on our troops yesterday morning. They did not do so, however, and General Pope accordingly opened upon one of their batteries, and they responded with twelve- pounders. After a heavy shelling from Pope of an hour’s duration the rebels hauled down their flag, and our troops now occupy the position.

General Butler is pursuing a strong and decisive course in New Orleans. He has suppressed the Delta and the Bee for advocating the destruction of produce. He has arrested several British subjects for giving aid to the rebels. He has seized a large quantity of specie belonging to the rebels from the office of the Consul for the Netherlands; has stopped the circulation of “Confederate” paper money, and has distributed among the suffering poor the provisions intended for the support of the rebel soldiers. And more: he has taken the wife of General Beauregard — who was found to be in New Orleans — under his care and protection, just as General McClellan has done the wife of the rebel General Lee, in the neighborhood of Richmond. The large amount of news from New Orleans which we publish today will be found full of interest.

The letter of Jacob Barker, of New Orleans, takes strong ground against cotton burning. He also shows up the treason of the Southern members in the last Congress. This letter is an admirable preparation of the way for the avowed expression of Unionism which has been heretofore compulsorily dormant in Louisiana and other portions of rebeldom.

The article from the New Orleans Bee — a covert justification of the destruction of cotton — which caused the suppression of that paper and the Delta, will also be found among our New Orleans news. The reader will be fully satisfied of the justice of General Butler’s course in suppressing such journals as the two before mentioned, after perusing the Bee’s editorial of the 16th.

Our Fortress Monroe correspondent mentions the fact that Colonel J.F. Hanson, of a rebel Kentucky regiment, who was sent by a flag of truce to be exchanged for the gallant Colonel Corcoran, has become disgusted with the rebels and the rebellion, and will take the oath of allegiance. He returned to Fortress Monroe when the rebels denied an exchange for Col. Corcoran, and was sent to Washington at his own request, after having been offered his parole, which he refused. He says that would rather be a prisoner among gentlemen than a free man among villains.

From General Burnside’s expedition we have an interesting letter, dated at Newbern, N.C., on the 24th of May. Our correspondent states that on the 23d instant a scouting party, consisting of a company of the Seventeenth Massachusetts regiment, was sent out in order to capture or burn a quantity of cotton stored at Pollocksville. The men were met by the rebels a few miles from the Union outposts, and exposed to a galling fire by which three were killed and eight wounded and the remainder forced to retire. The rebels employed a new sort of deadly cartridge, which is described in our correspondence. The letter, which we publish today, contains a complete list of all the deaths which occurred in General Burnside’s army during the month of April. It is taken from the report of the Medical Director, and possesses a melancholy interest for the relatives and friends of the gallant men who have given up their lives for their country.

Another capture of a British steamer has been made off Charleston harbor, while attempting to run the blockade with a valuable cargo of salt petre, brandy and wine, worth half a million dollars, from Nassau. The steamship in question is the Stellin, of London. She was captured by the Bienville, and was brought into this port a prize last night.

We give today descriptions and a map of the three islands which were bombarded by our gunboats near Charleston, as we announced yesterday, together with an account of the rebel defences at Charleston.

Our latest news from the West states that trouble is breaking out in Western Tennessee, and a considerable force of rebels is said to be at Trenton, ready to march on Union City and Hickman. Union men from Weakley and Obion counties were flocking to Hickman for protection. Four or five hundred rebel cavalry are stationed near the mouth of Obion river, awaiting the draining of the swamp in that region to plant a battery to prevent the passage of our transports on the Mississippi.

May 30, 1862, The New York Herald

We devote a large portion of our available space today to a budget of very interesting letters from our correspondents, and newspaper extracts, showing the progress of affairs in New Orleans under the active, emphatic and decisive military supervision of General Butler.

Touching here upon some of the most important of the various and numerous items of information this grouped together, it appears that General Butler had smoked out of the office of the Consul of the Netherlands a lot of “Confederate” specie, in silver, to the amount of eight hundred thousand dollars, and that the Consul concerned and a score of other consuls had entered their protest against this proceeding. But we presume that General Butler will hold on to the money in behalf of the government of the United States, and leave to Mr. Seward the settlement of the claim in question. Next, we find that certain British subjects had sent down to New Orleans some four hundred bales of cotton, and were not very fastidious either in placing this property of theirs under the protection of the flag of the Union. It is to be hoped that the London Times will soon have its stupid eyes opened in contemplation of such interesting facts as these. We are rather inclined to think, however that that blunderer of a Thunderer will find something more agreeable to its morbid secession stomach in General Butler’s arrest of several British subjects because of their active services rendered in or to the rebel army. Queen Victoria’s proclamation of neutrality of May last, however, settles this matter; for we find, on recurring to this proclamation, that any of her subjects who shall violate this neutrality, by assisting either party in this war, do so at their own peril, and of their own wrong, and that they will in nowise obtain any protection from us (the Queen) against any liabilities or penal consequences, but will, on the contrary, incur our displeasure by such conduct.”

Next, we find that the circulation of “Confederate” paper money was ordered by Gen. Butler to be stopped in New Orleans on the 27th instant — Tuesday last; and it will be seen that such shinning and shaving immediately commenced as the financiers and lame ducks of Wall street have never dreamed of. Doubtless a host of Confederate swindlers will have feathered their nest by this “Confederate” paper trash, while a multitude of their unfortunate dupes will have been reduced to starvation. The New Orleans banks, in this swindling business, seem to have been playing the game of sharper and artful dodger on a grand scale.

We find next that, in view of the thousands of the population of New Orleans reduced to absolute destitution under their Southern millennium, ushered in by this rebellion, General Butler had seized a considerable amount of provisions of the called Confederate States, and was distributing them among the poor. Cattle dealers, too, with their beeves, were finding their way into the city from Texas, and eggs, &c., were also coming in from the interior. It will not be long before the river will be reopened through to Cairo, and then the descending provisions of the great West will prove a convincing argument in support of the appeal of old Jacob Barker against the suicidal expedient enjoined upon the Southern planters of burning their produce to save it from the enemy; that is, the enemy of Jeff. Davis and his fellow conspirators.

The Delta and the Bee newspapers were suppressed by General Butler for advocating this incendiary policy on the part of the Southern people of reducing the masses to absolute beggary and starvation. This burning themselves out of house and home, however, is confessedly the last ferocious alternative of the rebel rulers; for it will be seen, from the letter of the rebel diplomatic emissary Rost, of New Orleans, written at Madrid, that all hopes of European intervention in support of Jeff. and his interlopers are gone. In still another matter it will be seen that General Butler will have no dilly-dallying or dodging. We refer to the cleaning of the streets. He will not have the responsibility of neglect shuffled off from one set of officials to another; but he substantially warns the city authorities that the work must be done or they will all be cleared out without ceremony. In this point of view a Military Governor, one like General Butler, for a while, would not be a bad institution for the city of New York. Hackley & Co., under such a regime, would have to be lively or leave.

Many other interesting topics, subjects, fact and curious discoveries and developments will be found in this interesting budget of New Orleans news which we publish today. The conclusions which we draw from it all are these: that General Butler, with a mistake here and there no doubt, is performing his duty of Military Governor with vigor, vigilance and discretion; that finding a great city turned upside down and inside out, demoralized, plundered, and in utter poverty, chaos and filth from this rebellion, he has a great work upon his hands to restore said city to order, cleanliness and anything like prosperity; but that he is getting things into an orderly shape, and that New Orleans is getting sober as from a fearful, stupefying drunken debauch. This good work of the sober second thought will begin to go on rapidly and universally through out the South with the expulsion of Jeff. Davis from Richmond, and that event is so near that the news thereof may come to us at any day of the present week, or at any hour of the day.

May 30, 1862, The New York Herald

Our Special Army Correspondence.

ON THE FIELD,

THREE MILES FROM HANOVER COURT HOUSE,

FIFTEEN MILES FROM RICHMOND, May 27, 1862.

It has been a busy day with some of the troops under General Fitz John Porter, and one of hard work and hard fighting. Three fights with the enemy, three times whipping them, killing and wounding three times more than were killed and wounded on our side, and capturing thrice three times as many prisoners, is the day’s work and victories epitomized. General Fitz John Porter’s troops have shown the stuff they are made of, and have added lustre to the fame they had won in front of Yorktown, and have covered themselves with additional glory. As I essay tonight to write out the day’s doings, it is in the midst of the confusion and horrors that always attend the close of a day’s battles. Bodies of the dead lie about me, and the groans of the wounded fill the air, and it is impossible to get all the names of the sufferers. Division and brigade commanders have no headquarters as yet, and the regimental rolls have not been called, which would enable me to obtain a complete record of the killed, wounded and missing. In the hurry of sending away my despatch, and the report of losses not having been made, I am compelled, therefore, to transmit a list only as far as I have been able to make it up from inquiries through most of the regiments known to have suffered and visits to the various hospitals. I think, however, my list is very nearly complete. Our loss in the three engagements, it is estimated, will not exceed, killed, wounded and missing, one hundred and thirty, while that of the enemy cannot fall short of three hundred. The rebels probably captured about thirty of our men, and we have taken nearly three hundred of theirs.

THE PRELIMINARY MARCH.

At four o’clock A. M. the regiments were up. An hour later they had eaten their breakfast, packed their haversacks, looked to see that their guns and cartridges were all right and were moving. The cavalry, artillery and ambulances move in their allotted place in the line of march. None knew where they were going, and none cared to ask. The nature of the general orders looked like fight, and this compensated for every doubt.

THE TROOPS EXPECT TO GO TO RICHMOND.

The greater part of the troops thought, however, we were going to Richmond, and looked forward to luxuriating on soft bread and soft beds in the rebel capital. As we increased in the progress of the march so did the distance between our column and Richmond; for instead of making nearer approach to it, the fact became apparent that some outside job had been cut out for us to do by our Commanding General. This piece of outside work was not slow in revealing itself. It had been set apart that our Commander was to cut off the rebel connection between Richmond and Fredericksburg, and do what they could to decimate and destroy the utility of a large body of the enemy known to be encamped in the vicinity of Hanover Court House.

GENERAL M’CLELLAN’S CONFIDENCE IN THIS COMMAND.

How this fact became known to our Commanding General it is not for me to state. I can only say this much: that General McClellan knew the capability of this corps to give the enemy trouble. He looked for brilliant deeds on the field by our troops, and he knew he would not be disappointed, and he was not.

THE RAIN — THE ROADS.

During the preliminary march I should state that if it ever did rain great guns, it rained those war missiles with unprecedented copiousness at the outset of our march, and for nearly three hours afterwards. It had rained moreover all night. The state of the roads may be imagined. The quicksand, indigenious to all Virginian roads, became mud, and the mud became deep, and the depth became disgusting. But our boys minded neither the rain, nor the mud, nor its depth.

THE ROUTE OF MARCH,

Leaving camp, we went on the New Bridge road, leading from Coal Harbor, a short distance, and thence took the Hanover turnpike. The country is such as we have seen in our recent marches, here and there large plantations well tilled, large and well shaded houses for the proprietors, floorless log huts for the slaves, and white flags invoking protection, floating hopefully in the breeze. Dwellings of stinted dimensions and meagre appointments, the habitations of poor white families, were of course scattered at intervals. As usual on all marches, the provost guard stationed guards at each town.

THE CAVALRY TAKE THE LEAD.

Foremost in the column was a squadron of the Sixth regular cavalry, under command of Major Williams — two companies advanced as skirmishers. They were followed by a regiment of infantry, who also acted as skirmishers, plunging right and left into the bushes, and keeping a keen eye ahead lest some rebels might suddenly start up from behind some earthwork, or tree, or log, or stone. The batteries and brigades came next.

ENCOUNTERING MOUNTED PICKETS

At McKinsey’s Cross Roads, about six miles this side of Hanover Court House, mounted pickets of the enemy were seen. On observing our men they fired several shots, and then put spurs to their horses. One of the shots came whizzing close by the head of Major Williams. Our cavalry pursued and shot one of their men, who fell dead from his horse, and captured two prisoners. They belonged to the Second Virginia cavalry, and were well armed and rode fine horses. No more was seen of the rebel pickets.

FIRST ENGAGEMENT WITH THE ENEMY.

A little before noon the advance of our column had turned the corner of the road, which is situated about three miles from Hanover Court House. Twelve miles had now been marched. Three hours before the rain had ceased, the clouds broken away, and the march from that time had been under the scorching rays of a torrid sun. Our men were fatigued — as who would not be — and languid; but they soon forgot their weariness and showed no signs of languor in the excitement of the coming engagement.

THE GALLANTRY OF THE TWENTY—FIFTH NEW YORK VOLUNTEERS.

The Twenty-fifth regiment New York Volunteers, Colonel Johnson, was ahead. The Colonel had thrown ahead skirmishers on the right and left, himself leading the right wing, Lieutenant Colonel Savage the left wing, and Major Gilbert commanding the reserve. Leaving the main road, the right wing advanced to reconnoitre a piece of wood on the road, and the left pushed through a wheat field opposite, to cut through some woods beyond the wheat field, further to the left.

The enemy, who lay concealed in Dr. Kinney’s house, whose position can be seen in the accompanying cut, and in the woods opposite, allowed the left wing to get well advanced, and then opened fire upon them. A few shots were first fired from Dr. Kinney’s house and from behind the barns. Colonel Johnson left the woods, and came on with his skirmishers, at the same time ordering up the reserve and forming them in line of battle. A quick volley of musketry was opened upon them from the woods on the right. The balls whistled furiously above the heads of the men. At the first volley several fell dead and others became helpless from wounds. Notwithstanding this and their own exposed position, and the enemy being concealed in the woods, the men showed the pluck of true soldiers. They never faltered, but closed ranks and returned volley after volley in quick succession. The field officers were the special mark of the enemy’s bullets.

DR. WELLS WOUNDED.

At the first volley from the enemy Dr. Wells received a bullet through the left knee, inflicting a severe wound. He was obliged immediately to leave the field, which he did, his horse flying, and the bullets flying after him. Seeing that he must soon faint from the loss of blood, he stopped his horse in the midst of the iron hail showered upon him, cooly tied up his leg with his handkerchief, and then resumed his flight. His wound, though severe, is not dangerous.

THE LIEUTENANT COLONEL WOUNDED.

The second volley made the Lieutenant Colonel one of its victims. A bullet passed through his right arm, just below the elbow. He bandaged his arm with the end of his sash, determined not to forsake his regiment, and with the arm thus bandaged, rode back and forth up and down the regiment several times. Suddenly a rebel horse, whose rider had doubtless been killed, came dashing from the woods whence the firing proceeded, darted by the regiment, and ran at the height of its speed for the farther wood, across the wheat field. The Lieutenant Colonel’s horse, a spirited animal, followed in the tracks of the flying horse, and it was impossible with one hand to hold him. The next thing the Lieutenant Colonel remembers was lying in a marsh, by the edge of the wood. He had fainted from loss of blood and had fallen from his horse. He crept into the wood and worked his way to an ambulance, whence he was conveyed to Mrs. Sloughter’s house and his wounded dressed. It was two hours after receiving the wound before he reached the hospital.

ARTILLERY COMING TO THE WORK.

Only a few volleys had been exchanged when the enemy opened fire from their field pieces stationed on the road fronting Dr. Kinney’s house. The Twenty-fifth regiment having stood under the enemy’s galling fire for some time, now withdrew at command further with the odds against him. Our advance artillery now wheeled their guns into position, and Berdan Sharpshooters took their places as support, being in front, a little on the left. The batteries fired vigorously. Those of the enemy threw shell, canister and grape. Ours responded with shell and shot. Shot and shell flew fast and furious.

THE SHARPSHOOTERS Opened their deadly fire, lying, in their usual style, on their stomachs. A rebel head no sooner showed itself from behind a tree than one of their unerring bullets would strike another from the list of fighting rebels. It was hot work for a time. During the progress of the fight they made a brilliant charge, taking one of the enemy’s cannon.

OTHER UNION TROOPS HURRYING TO THE RESCUE.

The sharp crack of musketry and roar of artillery sent back intelligence to the regiments behind that an engagement was going on in front. The effect was magical. Bent backs were straightened, wearied limbs became suddenly invigorated with new strength, and eyes glistened with eagerness. General Butterfield, whose brigade was next behind, ordered his regiments forward at double quick. General Martindale’s brigade, as also the brigade commanded by Colonel McQuade, Fourteenth New York regiment, came following after.

GENERAL MORELL’S TROOPS.

The engagement now became general. Gen. Morell, commanding the division, ordered the brigades in position to support our batteries, who were directed to shell the woods on the right of the road, where the enemy were ambuscaded. The roar of musketry was without intermission for some time. Our men, too, poured volley after volley of musketry into the woods.

THE ENEMY FIND IT TOO HOT.

For nearly two hours a sheet of fire blazed from our column. The rebels returned the fire, but their bullets and grape and canister went too high. It was evident that they fired their muskets at random, probably from behind trees, keeping their bodies concealed and not daring to take aim. When they retreated, as our firing compelled them to do at length, our musketry told upon them with most deadly effect. Meantime the work of shelling them out went on vigorously. It was nearly two hours before they were driven from the woods. The work of expulsion had been determined upon, and it was carried out to most victorious results.

CESSATION OF FIRING AND PURSUIT OF THE REBELS.

For about an hour and a half there was a cessation of firing. It was time not idly spent. General Fitz John Porter by this time was on the ground. He ordered a pursuit of the enemy by General Butterfield’s and Colonel McQuade’s brigades, General Morell and staff joining in the chase. Through grain fields, marshes and thick woods our men pushed after the retreating foe. They moved with the vigor of fresh troops. This chase gave our men nearly six miles additional travel, including their return. The cause of this will be explained in due order.

A VISIT TO THE REBEL RAILROAD.

While the above pursuit was in progress the regiments of General Martindale’s brigade were ordered to take a look at the Virginia Central Railroad. Headed by a detachment of the regular cavalry the regiments entered upon the execution of their difficult and dangerous mission. On the way they were fired upon and one of the cavalrymen killed. His name I could not learn. This was all the loss sustained. Marching up to the railroad, they could not have made a more daring demonstration if the whole army of the Potomac had been at their heels.

A REBEL TRAIN STOPPED.

A rebel train was just coming from the direction of Richmond and appeared in sight as our men reached the road. The engineer, in obedience, no doubt, to the order of some frightened rebel general — for it must have been, as subsequent events showed, an arrival of reinforcements from Richmond — reversed the engine in double quick time and backed the train out of sight. It was well for our regiments that they did so; for they at once proceeded without molestation to do good work in the Union cause by destroying about forty rods of the railroad, burning a bridge and putting an end to further immediate telegraphic communication between Fredericksburg and Richmond. This accomplished, they withdrew to their brigade.

THE SECOND ENGAGEMENT — THE HOSPITALS FIRED INTO.

After the lapse of two hours firing was again resumed. The scene of the second engagement was in the open field and woods below Mr. Harris’house and the woods adjacent on the right. Foremostly the rebels — the reinforcements undoubtedly brought from Richmond on the railroad — commenced firing upon Mr. Sloughter’s house, used as a hospital, disregarding, as usual, the flag floating from the roof. Happily none of their shots took effect. Satisfied with this demonstration, they moved down in the direction of Mrs. Harris’ house. On their way they fired into the woods bordering the road, in which there was a large number of our soldiers. Mrs. Harris’ house, although having a red flag on it, came in likewise for a volley at their hands. It happened, however, that at the time there were no wounded in it, having all been removed during the first engagement to Mr. Sloughter’s house, on account of the flying grape and canister thrown from the enemy’s guns coming about the place with a frequency and violence that caused it to be an unsafe place for the wounded to remain in. I know that while I was hitching my horse to a tree in the yard a round shot from the rebel battery struck about two feet over my head, producing a whistling sound, scattering of leaves and impinging effect upon the body of the tree, whose combination gave rise to a capillary excitation the reverse of agreeable.

“I don’t like that,” said Dr. Bentley.

“Nor do I,” was my response.

“The wounded must be removed from here,” he continued, and they were removed forthwith. Had the rebel shots taken effect the victims would have been Mrs. Harris, who is said to have two sons in the rebel army, and a maidenly sister somewhere between eighteen and eighty, and reported a strong secessionist. These two unprotected females were the sole occupants of the house.

GENERAL MARTINDALE TO THE RESCUE.

The rebel firing upon the two dwellings and on our soldiers in the woods started General Martindale’s brigade to their feet, for they had been resting on their arms, and the artillerists to their guns, for they, too, had been enjoying a respite. The Forty-fourth New York regiment, Col. Stryker, was ordered to advance as skirmishers upon the woods in front. They had not gone far before they saw that the woods were filled with rebels. And now began the second engagement with earnestness. General Martindale’s regiments, including the gallant Twenty-fifth New York, which looked like a skeleton after the ordeal of iron hail it had passed through, were drawn up in line of battle. The contest waxed hotter and hotter. Our men poured in volley after volley into the thick woods, while the batteries fired broadsides from their guns. The enemy returned the fire with vigor, but they did not dare come from the woods, and they found every attempt to break our lines unavailing. Not a man on our side flinches. Every officer faced the music with heroic valor. The firing on both sides was tremendous. As fast as one of our men fell he was conveyed to the ambulances in the rear, and the ranks closed up. The Forty-fourth behaved most handsomely.

“Well done, my boys,” said Captain Griffin, slapping one of his Parrotts in hearty approval, as an equine worshipper would slap his horse. And his guns did do well, as also Captain Benson. They sent their shells scattering over the enemy ambuscade with a liveliness that inspired certainly of greatly destructive result. The brigade and batteries had it all to themselves for nearly an hour, giving cheer after cheer as they fired, and firing with the regularity of clock work.

THE REBELS RUN.

Our galling fire was too much for the enemy. They retreated from their position, and we were masters of the field. As in the first fight, the enemy wasted most of their musketry, while the range of their cannon was too high. Our loss was accordingly light for the time our men were engaged and considering their exposure to the enemy’s fire. The rebel loss was heavy as seen from subsequent examination of the woods.

THE THIRD ENGAGEMENT.

And here I come to the record of the largest and most decisive, it not most brilliant, demonstration of the day. The revival of artillery and musketry roar, with intelligence sent by General Martindale to General Porter that there had been a large arrival of reinforcements, brought back the absent brigades. And they came back with impetuous and joyous haste, advancing through the field of wheat in the rear of Dr. Kinney’s house. The enemy, it was ascertained, had shifted his position into the woods, by the road bordering this field.

THE REBELS TWENTY THOUSAND STRONG.

A prisoner who had been captured in the last engagement said there were twenty thousand rebels in this wood and along the railroad. The same programme was adopted to drive out the enemy — viz., a free use of musketry and shell. General Porter ordered the artillery to plant themselves in the road facing the wood, and on the right of the field, each pouring in diagonal fires, while the infantry filled up the centre. Gen. Butterfield’s brigade headed the infantry column.

OUR TROOPS FIGHT WELL.

The cheering of the men as they advanced on double quick, and steady, undaunted an incessant firing of musketry and shell, were never surpassed on any battle field. It was a little after five o’clock when the firing commenced. It was kept up with unequalled vigor and fearful slaughter of the enemy until night closed upon the scene. The enemy had a third time been driven back, and the day was ours. He did not dare to come out and take the chance of a fair open field engagement, but in the retreat stuck to the wood with stereotyped obstinacy. How shall I describe these two hours’ fighting. If there was ever fiery ardor and brilliancy of combat, it was then. If ever fearlessness was shown on the field, it was then. General Porter displayed conspicuous gallantry during the entire engagement, and so did General Morell, conducting the division, and Generals Butterfield and Martindale, who headed their brigades. I could not speak too praisingly of the different staff officers. Captains Locke, Anchmuty and Powers, and Lieutenants McQuade, Monteith, Seymour, Butterfield, Martindale and Williams, in the transmission of orders, rode fearlessly back and forth amid the showers of the enemy’s bullets. The men, too, stood firmly under fire — stood as it was known they would. The sky was cloudless as the sun went down. A calmer sunset was never witnessed. The cool breath of evening gave comfort to our wearied men, while a veil of smoke skirted the forest edges — the scene of the recent heavy firing. What gave greatest comfort was knowing the fact that our loss had been light.

The following is the list, as far as we have been able to ascertain the names, of the killed and wounded in the two engagements…

As stated, the above list is incomplete. The loss of the Twenty-fifth New York regiment is much heavier. Next to this regiment the Forty-fourth New York regiment sustained the heaviest loss. I hear that they had fully twenty killed, and as many again wounded. The remaining regiments in Gen. Martindale’s brigade suffered more or less, as also the batteries employed in the different engagements. Col. McQuade’s brigade suffered the least. The Twenty-fifth regiment was the only one which had any of their men taken prisoners. They had about thirty men captured. Our loss in killed and wounded is estimated at about one hundred men, and that of the rebels three hundred. We captured some three hundred prisoners, and among them a colonel and major; and an indefinite number of line officers. I shall doubtless be able to-morrow to send a full and accurate list of our killed and wounded.

SCENE OF THE DAY’S ENGAGEMENTS.

The enclosed diagram will show the scene of the day fights. I have drawn it so as to give an idea of the three engagements as far as possible. From Mrs. Harris’ house down the ground is very nearly level. The woods are dense and marshy. The points of the compass are seemingly rather reversed, but I have followed the mapping in the order of our advance. It will be remembered that we were on the Cold Harbor road as we entered on the day’s march, and thence turned into the Richmond and Pamunkey turnpike, coming down the road past Mr. Houghton’s house.

THE HOSPITALS AND CARE OF THE DEAD AND WOUNDED.

The dwelling houses used as hospitals are indicated in the diagram. Mrs. Harris’ house, as elsewhere stated, was temporarily abandoned, but has since been called in requisition, as also a house about half a mile from Dr. Kinneyon the way to Hanover Court House. The last dwelling is a large two story house, with a good quantity of room in it. Dr. Kinney’s house had only just been vacated as our men took possession. It is also a good sized two story house, with a porch extending along the front. The furniture, beds, bedding, a good library, &c., were left in it. The scenes at each were a counterpart of one another — the groaning wounded and amputating surgeons were with broken legs and maimed arms; men with bullets in their breasts and limbs, men with all kinds of imaginable wounds, fields of Golgotha, the horrors of war in dreadful diorama. Wounded rebels were taken care of as well as our own. Drs. Lyman, Waters, Bentley, Schell, Churchill and Clark, were the leading surgeons, and they had their hands full. The yards as well as houses are full of patients.

Some sheds adjoining Dr. Kinney’s house have been converted into temporary receptacles of the dead. I looked in one of them. The spectacle was horrifying enough to sicken one of war — enough to make one invoke on the heads of the rebel leaders a worse anathema than the curse of Hecate. Among the dead were two negroes, whom curiosity had prompted to go too near the battle.

THE REBEL PRISONERS.

The familiar print limning Falstaff’s recruits, would serve as a good representation of our prisoners. They are of all ages, sizes, complexions, arms and dress. Some are talkative; most are silent. A large number are conscripts, who have no uniforms or pretensions to any. I find that the bitterest feeling exists relative to the drafting of soldiers in progress in the rebel States. One prisoner told me that he had paid three hundred dollars to two men to go as his substitutes. Both his representatives deserted, and he had been obliged to come himself, being unable for love or money to induce a third one to take his place. Another, giving his name as Josiah W. Barger, of Catawba, F. C., showed me a letter from his father dated the 11th instant.

THREE THOUSAND GEORGIANS REFUSE TO FIGHT ANY LONGER.

In this letter the fact was stated that three thousand Georgians, whose term of enlistment had expired, were told that they must continue in the service. They loaded their guns, and officers and all refused to obey the order, and no one dared attempt to make them do it. The result was that the regiments had disbanded and gone home. Those who gave any expression of opinion spoke adversely to the war, and were loud in condemning the leaders who had brought it about. All said, however, that the enemy would resist to their utmost the capture of Richmond. As with prisoners heretofore taken, they were surprised at the kindness with which they were treated.

STRENGTH OF THE ENEMY.

The statements of the rebel prisoners and wounded conflict a good deal as to the strength of the rebel force engaged in the day’s fighting. On our arrival a brigade under command of General Branch was encamped in the neighborhood. This brigade comprised five regiments, Seventh, Twenty-eighth, Thirty-third and Thirty-seventh North Carolina, and Forty-sixth Georgia regiment, with Nathan’s battery, of six pieces. A prisoner informed me that they left Gordonsville last Saturday, and arrived here yesterday. They were five thousand strong, and were on their way to Richmond to aid in preventing our Confederate capital falling into possession of the Yankees. The reinforcements — and that some did arrive there is no question — are variously stated at from ten to twenty thousand. The former figure is probably nearer correct. One fact is to be borne in mind. The enemy’s troops were fresh, and their previous night’s sleep had been unbroken. Our troops were early summoned from sleep, and had gone through the fatigues of a long and difficult march. Many had not taken a mouthful of food since their early morning meal. One thing is certain, that in the two first engagements the enemy were stronger than our forces who contended against them.

INCIDENTS OF THE DAY.

I could, if my time permitted, write a column and more of incidents. No battle is without its heroes, hand to hand conflicts and marvelous hair breadth escapes. There were noble acts on the field or battle, and noble acts after the work of carnage was over. More than one obscure private did that, making his name worthy to fill the speaking trumpet of fame, and officers did that in the face of the cannon’s mouth that should give them their fill of bubble reputation. Each day, for a week to come, will bring these incidents to light.

A surgeon suggested to Dr. Waters, Acting Medical Director of the division, that the position of the ambulances should be changed.

“Where would you put them?” asked Dr. Waters.

“Over there where General Porter and staff are.”

“That is an exposed position, and the safety of the ambulances is not to be risked more than is absolutely necessary.”

“Won’t you risk an ambulance where a general risks himself?”

“No, sir.”

“Why not?”

“A general can be made any day; but if an ambulance is once ruined it is ruined forever.”

On examining the guns of some of the prisoners, they were observed to contain several loads. Like the Italians in the Austrian service, they kept reloading their pieces but did not fire them.

“I am a conscript, sir,” was the answer a prisoner gave to an officer who asked how his gun came to have so many loads in it. “My heart,” he added, “is against the war. I couldn shoot a Union soldier, and I wouldn. There are thousands in the rebel army like me.”

“Did you see that?” asked Captain Locke, on seeing a bullet hit the ground about two feet in front of General Porter horse, scattering the mud over the horselegs. “I see by my glass that the enemy is being driven further back into the woods,” was the indifferent response of the gallant director of the day’s work. “Go tell Captain Griffin to advance his pieces.”

Lieutenant Seymour, of General Morell’s staff, had the heel of one of his spurs shot off. He insisted that the man who fired the shot must have taken him for a vulnerable heeled descendant of Vulcan.

Wm. Halpin, private in Company F, Fifth cavalry, was taken prisoner. A captain removed his sword and ordered him to dismount. He drew a revolver, shot the captain dead, put spurs to his horse, and soon was with his comrades again.

CAPTURE OF THE REBEL MAIL.

One of the most important arrests of the day was arresting the progress of the rebel mail on its way from Richmond to Fredericksburg. There were about five hundred papers in the bag, and the Richmond Dispatch of this date. General Porter gave it in charge of Captain Carter, of General McClellan’s staff, who at once took it to headquarters. It will doubtless furnish good material for post prandial reading by the Commanding General.

AFTER THE BATTLE.

As I sit to-night drawing this letter to a close everything around me is quiet, contrasting strongly with the din and deafening roar of the afternoon. Some of our wearied men have been sent on picket; no sleep or rest for them yet; others are sleeping on their arms, with a possibility of being called at any moment to again march forth to battle. Generals and privates have to make the ground their common sleeping place to-night. Some have blankets, but most are without.

The woods where the enemy made their stand has been looked through. The sights were horrible. Bodies of dead and dying and wounded rebels strewed the ground in every direction. My estimate of the rebel loss in killed and wounded is predicated not only on my own observation, but the statement of those looking through these woods and those of the latest prisoners captured. I saw Acting Brigadier General McQuade and other officers giving whiskey from their own flasks to the wounded — sacrifices soldiers can appreciate. No longer shall my song be —

Alas! the rarity

Of human charity.

And to-morrow — what shall be its story? I expect it will be of further battles, further lives lost, further war horrors. What I had to write I have written. It may seem long in view of the comparative smallness of our loss; but the importance of battles is not to be measured by the length of the list of slain. The dash of the men, boldness and brilliancy of the conflict, valor, incident, add importance to the story, and give vitality to the recital. The conflicts of to-day are the first this corps has been engaged in. Most of the men have been under fire for the first time. Who shall say that officers and men have not acquitted themselves gallantly; that they have come up to the expectations formed of them; that they have given proof of invincibility in the future?

May 30, 1862, The New York Herald

Gen. Beauregard’s Official Report of the Great Western Battle.

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE MISSISSIPPI.

CORINTH, Miss., April 11, 1862.

GENERAL — On the 2d ult., having ascertained conclusively, from the movements of the enemy on the Tennessee river, and from reliable sources of information, that his aim would be to cut off my communications in West Tennessee with the Eastern and Southern States, by operating from the Tennessee river, between Crump’s Landing and Eastport, as a base, I determined to foil his designs by concentrating all my available forces at and around Corinth.

Meanwhile, having called on the Governors of the States of Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama and Louisiana to furnish additional troops, some of them — chiefly regiments from Louisiana — soon reached this vicinity, and, with two divisions of General Polk’s command from Columbus, and a fine corps of troops from Mobile and Pensacola, under Major General Bragg, constituted the Army of the Mississippi. At the same time General Johnston being at Murfreesboro’, on the march to form a junction of his forces with mine, was called on to send at least a brigade by railroad, also that we might fall on and crush the enemy should be attempt an advance from under his gunboats. The call on General Johnston was promptly complied with. His entire force was also hastened in this direction, and by the 1st of April our united forces were concentrated along the Mobile and Ohio Railroad from Bethel to Corinth, and on the Memphis and Charleston Railroad from Corinth to Iuka.

It was then determined to assume the offensive and strike a sudden blow at the enemy in position under General Grant, on the west bank of the Tennessee, at Pittsburg and in the direction of Savannah, before he was reinforced by the army under General Buell, then known to be advancing for that purpose by rapid marches from Nashville to Columbia. About the same time General Johnston was advised that such an operation conformed to the expectations of the President.

By a rapid and vigorous attack on General Grant, it was expected he would be beaten back into his transports and the river, or captured, in time to enable us to profit by the victory, and remove to the rear all the stores and munitions that would fall into our hands in such an event before the arrival of General Buell’s army on the scene. It was never contemplated, however, to retain the position thus gained, and abandon Corinth, the strategic point of the campaign.

Want of proper officers, needful for the proper organization of divisions and brigades of an army brought thus suddenly together, and other difficulties in the way of an effective organization, delayed the movement until the night of the 2d inst., when it was heard from a reliable quarter that the junction of the enemy’s armies was near at hand; it was then, at a late hour, determined that the attack should be attempted at once, incomplete and imperfect as were our preparations for such a grave and momentous adventure. Accordingly that night, at one o’clock A. M., the preliminary orders to the commanders of corps were issued for the movement.

On the following morning the detailed orders of movement were issued, and the movement, after some delay, commenced, the troops being in admirable spirits. It was expected we should be able to reach the enemy’s lines in time to attack them early on the 5th inst. The men, however, for the most part, were unused to marching, the roads narrow, and traversing a densely wooded country, became almost impassable after a severe rain storm on the night of the 4th, which drenched the troops in bivouac; hence our forces did not reach the intersection of the roads from Pittsburg and Hamburg, in the immediate vicinity of the enemy, until late Saturday afternoon.

It was then decided that the attack should be made on the next morning, at the earliest hour practicable, in accordance with the orders of movement — that is, in three lines of battle; the first and second extending from Owl creek on the left to Lick creek on the right — a distance of about three miles — supported by the third and the reserve. The first line, under Major General Hardee, was constituted of his corps, augmented on his right by Gladden’sbrigade, of Major General Bragg’s corps, deployed in line of battle, with their respective artillery, following immediately by the main road to Pittsburg, and the cavalry in rear of the wings. The second line, composed of the other troops of Bragg’s corps, followed the first at a distance of five hundred yards, in the same order as the first. The army corps under General Polk followed the second line, at the distance of about eight hundred yards, in lines of brigades, deployed, with their batteries in rear of each brigade, moving by the Pittsburg road, the left wing supported by cavalry; the reserve, under Brigadier General Breckinridge, followed closely the third line, in the same order, its right wing supported by cavalry.

These two corps constituted the reserve, and were to support the front lines of battle, by being deployed when required on the right and left of the Pittsburg road, or otherwise act, according to the exigencies of the battle.

At eight A. M. on the 6th inst., a reconnoitering party of the enemy having become engaged with our advanced pickets, the commander of the forces gave orders to begin the movement and attack as determined upon, except that Trabue’s brigade, of Breckinridge’s division, was detached and advanced to support the left of Bragg’s corps and line of battle, when menaced by the enemy, and the other two brigades were directed to advance by the road to Hamburg, to support Bragg’s right, and at the same time Yancey’s regiment, of Polk’s corps, was advanced by the same road to reinforce the regiment of cavalry and battery of four pieces already thrown forward to watch and guard Grier, Banner’s and Borland’s Ford on Lick Creek.

Thirty minutes after five o’clock A. M., our lines and columns were in motion, all animated evidently by a promising spirit. The front line was engaged at once, but advanced steadily, followed in due order with equal resolution and steadiness by the other lines, which were brought successively into action with rare skill, judgment and gallantry, by the several corps commanders, as the enemy made a stand, with his masses rallied for the struggle for his encampments. Like an Alpine avalanche our troops moved forward, despite the determined resistance of the enemy, until after six o’clock P. M., when we were in possession of all encampments between Owl and Lick creeks but one. Nearly all of his field artillery, about thirty flags, colors and standards, over three thousand prisoners, including a division commander (General Prentiss) and several brigade commanders, thousands of small arms, an immense supply of subsistence, forage and munitions of war, and a large amount of means of transportation — all the substantial fruits of a complete victory — such, indeed, as rarely have followed the most successful battles; for never was an army so well provided as that of our enemy.

The remnant of his army had been driven in utter disorder to the immediate vicinity of Pittsburg, under the shelter of the heavy guns of his iron-clad gunboats, and we remained undisputed masters of his well-selected, admirably provided canonments, after over twelve hours of obstinate conflict with his forces, who had been beaten from them and the contiguous covert, but only by a sustained onset of all the men we could bring into action.

Our loss was heavy, as will appear from the accompanying return, marked “B.” Our Commander-in-Chief, Gen. A. S. Johnston, fell mortally wounded, and died on the field at half-past two in the afternoon, after having shown the highest qualities of the commander, and a personal intrepidity that inspired all around him, and gave resistless impulsion to his columns at critical moments.

The chief command then devolved upon me, though at the time I was greatly prostrated and suffering from the prolonged sickness with which I had been afflicted since early in February. The responsibility was one which, in my physical condition, I would have gladly avoided, though cast upon me when our forces were successfully pushing the enemy back upon the Tennessee river, and though supported on the immediate field by such corps commanders as Major Generals Polk, Bragg and Hardee, and Brigadier General Breckinridge, commanding the reserve.

It was after six o’clock in the evening, as before said, when the enemy’s last position was carried, and his forces finally broke and sought refuge behind a commanding eminence, covering the Pittsburg landing, not more than half a mile distant, and under the guns of the gunboats, which opened on our eager columns a fierce and annoying fire with shot and shell of the heaviest description. Darkness was close at hand. Officers and men were exhausted by a combat of over twelve hours without food, and jaded by the march of the preceding day, through mud and water, it was therefore impossible to collect the rich and opportune spoils of war scattered broadcast on the field left in our possession, and impracticable to make any effective dispositions for their removal to the rear.

I accordingly established my headquarters at the church of Shiloh, in the enemy’s encampment, with Major General Bragg, and directed our troops to sleep on their arms, in such positions in advance and rear as corps commanders should determine, hoping from news received by a special despatch that delays had been encountered by General Buell in his march from Columbia, and that his main forces, therefore, could not reach the field of battle in time to save General Grant’s shattered fugitive forces from capture or destruction on the following day.

During the night the rain fell in torrents, adding to the discomfort and harassed condition of the men; the enemy, moreover, had broken their rest by a discharge, at measured intervals, of heavy shells thrown from the gunboats; therefore, on the following morning the troops under my command were not in condition to cope with an equal force of fresh troops, armed and equipped like our adversary, in the immediate possession of his depots, and sheltered by such an auxiliary as the enemy’s gunboats.

About six o’clock on the morning of the 7th of April, however, a hot fire of musketry and artillery, opened from the enemy’s quarter on our advanced line, assured me of the junction of his forces, and soon the battle of the day before, exhibited the most cheering, veteran-like steadiness. On the right and centre the enemy was repulsed in every attempt he made with his heavy column in that quarter of the field; on the left, however, and nearest to the point of arrival of his reinforcements, he drove forward line after line of his fresh troops, which were met with a resolution and courage of which our country may be proudly hopeful. Again and again our troops were brought to the charge, invariably to win the position at issue, invariably to drive back their foe. But hour by hour thus opposed to an enemy constantly reinforced, our ranks were perceptibly thinned under the unceasing, withering fire of the enemy, and by twelve meridian eighteen hours of hard fighting, had sensibly exhausted a large number, my last reserves, had necessarily been disposed of, and the enemy was evidently receiving fresh reinforcements after each repulse; accordingly about one P.M., I determined to withdraw from so unequal a conflict, securing such of the results of the victory of the day before as was then practicable.

Officers of my staff were immediately despatched with the necessary orders to make the best dispositions for a deliberate, orderly withdrawal from the field, and to collect and post a reserve to meet the enemy, should he attempt to push after us. In this connection I will mention, particularly my Adjutant General, Colonel Jordan, who was of much assistance to me on this occasion, as he had already been on the field of battle on that and the preceding day.

About two o’clock P.M., the lines of advance, which had repulsed the enemy in their last fierce assault on our left and centre, received the orders to retire. This was done with uncommon steadiness, and the enemy made no attempt to follow.

The line of troops established to cover this movement had been disposed on a favorable ridge commanding the ground of Shiloh Church. From this position our artillery played upon the woods beyond for awhile, but upon no visible enemy and without reply. Soon satisfied that no serious pursuit would be attempted this last line was withdrawn, and never did troops leave to battle field in better order. Even the stragglers fell into the ranks and marched off with those who had stood more steadily by their colors. A second strong position was taken up about a mile in rear, where the approach of the enemy was waited for nearly an hour; but no effort to follow was made, and only a small detachment of horsemen could be seen at a distance from this last position, warily observing our movements.

Arranging, through my staff officers, for the completion of the movements thus begun, Brigadier General Breckinridge was left with his command as a rear guard to hold the ground we had occupied the night preceding the first battle, just in front of the intersection of the Pittsburg burg and Hamburg roads, about four miles from the former place, while the rest of the army passed to the rear in excellent order.

On the following day General Breckinridge fell back about three miles to Mickey, which position we continued to hold, with our cavalry thrown considerably forward in immediate proximity to the battle field.

Unfortunately, towards the night of the 7th inst., in began to rain heavily. This continued throughout the night. The roads became almost impassable in many places, and much hardship and suffering now ensued before all the regiments reached their encampments. But, despite the heavy casualties of the two eventful days of the 6th and 7th of April, this army is more confident of ultimate success than before its encounter with the enemy.

To Major Generals Polk, Bragg and Hardee, commanding corps, and to Brigadier General Breckinridge, commanding the reserve, the country is greatly indebted for the zeal, intelligence and energy with which all orders were executed — for the foresight and military ability they displayed in the absence of instructions in the many exigencies of the battle, on a field so densely wooded and broken, and for their fearless deportment as they repeatedly led their commands personally to the onset upon their powerful adversary. It was under these circumstances that General Bragg had two horses shot under him; that Major General Hardee was slightly wounded, his coat rent by balls and his horse disabled; and that Major General Breckinridge was twice struck by spent balls.

For the services of their gallant subordinate commanders, and of other officers as well as for the details of the battle field, I must refer to the reports of corps, division and brigade commanders, which shall be forwarded as soon as received.

To give more in detail the operations of the two battles resulting from the movement of Pittsburg than now attempted, must have delayed this report for weeks, and interfered materially with the important duties of my position; but I may be permitted to say, that not only did the obstinate conflict for twelve hours, on Sunday, leave the confederate army masters of the battle field, and our adversary beaten, but we left that field on the next day only after eight hours’ incessant battle with a superior army of fresh troops, whom we had repulsed in every attack on our lines, so repulsed and crippled, indeed, as to leave it unable to take the field for the campaign for which it was collected and equipped at such enormous expense, and with such profusion of all the appliances of war. These successful events were not achieved, however, as before said, without severe loss — a loss not to be measured by the number of the slain or wounded, but by the high social and personal worth of so large a number of those who were killed or disabled, including the commander of the forces, whose high qualities will be greatly missed in the momentous campaign impending.

I deeply regret to record also the death of the Hon. George M. Johnson, Provisional Governor of Kentucky, who went into action with the Kentucky troops, and continually inspired them by his words and example. Having his horse shot under him on Sunday, he entered the ranks of a Kentucky regiment on Monday, and fell mortally wounded towards the close of the day. Not his State alone but the whole confederacy has sustained a great loss in the death of this brave, upright and able man.

Another gallant and able soldier and captain was lost to the service of the country when Brigadier General Gladden, Commanding First brigade, Withers’ division, Third army corps, died from a severe wound received on the 5th inst., after having been conspicuous to his whole corps, and the army for courage and capacity.

Major General Cheatham, commanding First division, First corps, was slightly wounded, and had three horses shot under him.

Brigadier General Clark, commanding First division of the First corps, received a severe wound also on the first day, which will deprive the army of his valuable services for some time.

Brigadier General Hindman, engaged in the outset of the battle, was conspicuous for a cool courage efficiently employed in leading his men ever into the thickest of the fray, until his horse was shot under him, and he was unfortunately so severely injured by the fall that the army was deprived, on the following day, of his chivalrous example.

Brigadier Generals B. R. Johnston and Bowen, most meritorious officers, were also severely wounded in the first combat; but it is hoped will soon be able to return to duty with their brigades.

To mention the many field officers who died or were wounded while gallantly leading their commands into action, and the many brilliant instances of individual courage displayed by officers and men in the twenty hours of battle, is impossible at this time; but their names will be duly made known to their countrymen.

The immediate staff of the lamented Commander-in-Chief, who accompanied him to the field, rendered efficient service, and either by his side or in carrying his orders shared his exposure to the casualties of a well contested battle field. I beg to commend their names to the notice of the War Department, namely: —

Captain H. P. Brewster and N. Wickliffe, of the Adjutant and Inspector General’s Department.

Captain Thomas O’Hara, Acting Inspector General.

Lieutenants George Baylor and Thomas M. Jack, Aids-de-Camp.

Volunteer Aids-de-Camp, Colonel William Preston, Major D. M. Hayden. E. W. Munford and Calhoun Benham.

Major Albert J. Smith and Captain Wickham, Quartermaster Department.

To these gentlemen was assigned the last sad duty of accompanying the remains of their lamented chief from the field, except Captains Brewster and Wickliffe, who remained and rendered valuable services as staff officers, on the 7th of April.

Governor Isham G. Harris, of Tennessee, went upon the field with Gen. Johnston, was by his side when he was shot, aided him from his horse, and received him in his arms when he died. Subsequently the Governor joined my staff and remained with me throughout the next day, except when carrying orders or engaged in encouraging the troops of his own State, to whom he gave a conspicuous example of coolness, zeal and intrepidity.

I am also under many obligations to my own general, personal and volunteer staff, many of whom have been so long associated with me. I append a list of those present on the field on both days, and whose duties carried them constantly under fire, namely: — Colonel Thomas Jordan, Captain Clifton H. Smith, and Lieutenant John M. Otey, Adjutant General Department.

Major George W. Brent, Acting Inspector General; Colonel R. B. Lee, Chief of Subsistence, whose horse was wounded; Lieutenant Colonel S. W. Ferguson and Lieutenant A. R. Chisolm, Aids-de-Camp.

Volunteer Aids-de-Camp, Colonel Jacob Thompson, Major Numa Augustin.

Major H. E. Peyton.

Captain Albert Ferry.

Captain B. B. Waddell.

Captain W. W. Porter, of Major General Crittenden’s staff, also reported for duty, and shared the duties of my volunteer staff n Monday.

Brigadier General Trudeau, of Louisiana Volunteers, also, for a part of the first days’ conflict, was with me as a volunteer aid.

Captain E. H. Cunning, signal officer, also was actively employed as a staff officer on both days.

Nor must I fail to mention that private W. E. Goolsby, Eleventh regiment Virginia Volunteers, orderly to my headquarters since last June, repeatedly employed to carry my verbal orders to the field, discharged the duty with great zeal and intelligence.

Other members of my staff were necessarily absent from the immediate field of battle, entrusted with responsible duties at the headquarters, namely:— Captain F. J. Jordan, Assistant Adjutant General, in charge of general headquarters.

Major Eugene E. McLean, Chief Quartermaster; Captain E. Deslonde, Quartermaster’s Department.

Lieutenant Colonel Ferguson, A. D. C., early on Monday was assigned to command and direct the movements of a brigade of the second corps.

Lieutenant Colonel Gilmer, Chief Engineer, after having performed the important and various duties of his place with distinction to himself and material benefit to his country, was wounded late on Monday. I trust, however, I shall not long be deprived of his essential services.

Captain Lockett, Engineer Corps, Chief Assistant to Colonel Gilmer, after having been employed in the duties of his corps on Sunday, was placed by me on Monday in command of a battalion without field officers. Captain Fremaux, Provisional Engineer, and Lieutenants Steel and Helm also rendered material and ever dangerous service in the line of their duty.

Major General (now General) Braxton Bragg, in addition to his duties of Chief of Staff, as has been before stated, commanded his corps — much the largest in the field — on both days with signal capacity and soldiership.

Surgeon Foard, Medical Director; Surgeons R. L. Brodie and S. Choppin, Medical Inspectors, and Surgeon D. W. Yandell, Medical Director of the Western Department, with General Johnston, were present in the discharge of their arduous and high duties, which they performed with honor to their profession.

Captain Tom Saunders, Messrs. Scales and Metcalf and Mr. Tully, of New Orleans, were of material aid on both days, ready to give news of the enemy’s positions and movements, regardless of exposure.

While thus partially making mention of some of those who rendered brilliant, gallant or meritorious service in the field, I have aimed merely to notice those whose position would most probably exclude the record of their services from the reports of corps or subordinate commanders.

From this agreeable duty I turn to one in the highest degree unpleasant — one due, however, to the brave men under me, as a contrast to the behaviour of most of the army who fought so heroically. I allude to the fact that some officers, non-commissioned officers and men abandoned their colors early in the first day to pillage the captured encampments, others retired shamefully from the field on both days, while the thunder of cannon and the roar and rattle of musketry told them that their brothers were being slaughtered by the fresh legions of the enemy. I have ordered the names of the most conspicuous upon this roll of laggards and cowards to be published in orders.

It remains to state that our loss in the two days in the killed outright was 1,728; wounded, 8,012; missing, 959; making an aggregate of casualties of 10,699.

This sad list tells in simple language of the stout fight made by our countrymen in front of the rude log chapel at Shiloh, especially when it is known that on Monday, from exhaustion and other causes, not twenty thousand men on our side would be brought into action.

Of the loses of the enemy I have no exact knowledge. Their newspapers report it as very heavy. Unquestionably it was greater, even in proportion, than our own, on both days; for it was apparent to all that their dead left on the field outnumbered ours two to one.

Their casualties, therefore, cannot have fallen many short of twenty thousand, in killed, wounded, prisoners and missing.

Through information derived from many sources, including the newspapers of the enemy, we engaged on Sunday the divisions of Generals Prentiss, Sherman, Hurlbut, McClernand and Smith, of 9,000 men each or at least 45,000 men. This force was reinforced on Sunday night by the divisions of Generals Nelson, McCook, Crittenden and Thomas, of Major General Buell’s army, some 25,000 strong, including all arms. Also General L. Wallace’s division of General Grant’s army, making at least 33,000 fresh troops, which, added to the remnant of General Grant’s forces on Monday morning, amounting to over 20,000, made an aggregate force of some 53,000 men at least arrayed against us on that day.

In connection with the results of the battle, I should state that the most of our men who had inferior arms exchanged them for the improved arms of the enemy. Also that most of the property, public and personal, in the camp from which the enemy was driven on Sunday, was rendered useless or greatly damaged, except some of the tents.

All of which is respectfully submitted, through my volunteer aid-de- camp, Colonel Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, who has in charge the flags, standards and colors captured from the enemy.

I have the honor to be, General, you obedient servant,

G. T. BEAUREGARD, General

Commanding.

To General S. COOPER, Adjutant and Inspector General C. S. A. Richmond, Va.

May 30, 1862, The New York Herald

Our advices from New Orleans, published in another column, confirm the report which reached us from rebel sources, that General Butler had issued an order commanding that all women who insulted our soldiers would be treated as women of the town plying their trade. With this confirmation, however, comes an explanation of the meaning of the order.

It seems that Mayor Monroe at first regarded the order as an outrage upon the women of the South, and remonstrated against it in an insulting letter. The Mayor soon after recalled what he had said. Then he repeated his remonstrance. To this General Butler replied by an order deposing Mayor Monroe and sending him to Fort Jackson — the Fort Lafayette of General Butler’s department. This brought the Mayor to his senses, and he immediately managed to construe the offensive order correctly, and begged General Butlerpardon for his mistake.

In New Orleans, by a municipal regulation, women of the town found plying their trade upon the street are liable to imprisonment in the calaboose. The matter amounts simply to this, therefore: that if any woman in New Orleans shall so far lower herself as to behave like a degraded courtezan upon the public street, she shall be arrested and imprisoned like any other woman of the town. No true woman, then, need be alarmed by this order, for she cannot by any chance be interfered with by it. How Gen. Butler treats a lady may be seen from his action in regard to Mrs. General Beauregard, who is now stopping at Slidell’s house in New Orleans. A soon as Gen. Butler heard of her presence he withdrew the guards about her house and ordered that she should be allowed the fullest liberty. Gen. Beauregard, whose wife is thus cared for by our soldiers, did not, it seems, concoct this order in regard to women, but he has grossly misrepresented it. He knows the customs of New Orleans quite as well as Mayor Monroe, and he was aware from the first of the correct interpretation of Gen. Butler’s order. His proclamation upon the subject, therefore, is a piece with the other devices he has been obliged to employ to inspire his soldiers with a false sort of courage.

May 30, 1862, The Charleston Mercury

From the Richmond Dispatch of Wednesday, we get the following accounts of the movements along the lines in front of the Capital:

One of the trains on the Central Road, when city bound, had a narrow escape from capture or destruction at Federal hands on Monday; but the engineer, with promptitude and nerve, applied extra power, and the train rushed through the Lincoln lines with great velocity, and safely arrived in the city. Later in the day, however, a second train appearing, some negros upon the road waved handkerchiefs, and made such gesticulations as to warrant the conductor in believing there was danger ahead, and having troops on board, he moved very cautiously forward until discerning artillery pointed on the track, put back with all commendable expedition. From possession of the road, the enemy retarded communication with our forces in the vicinity of Hanover C.H., and to prevent permanent or obstinate occupancy, it was whispered that a force would be moved forward in that direction to form a junction with Anderson and Branch, acting there in concert.

Arriving at a point at the right of the lines (Nine Mile road), we found the troops there drawn up in line of battle, with banners floating and ordnance pointed. Although in considerable force on the north bank of the Chickahominy (near Price’s and Garnett’s farms), the enemy seemed loth to appear and engage. They had ushered in the day with picket firing, and had driven ours in. We waited their approach. They skulked in the dense woods, but came not. At eleven o’clock, however, the regular booming of cannon told an action of some nature was occurring at a more distant point, more to the left, and in the direction of the Mechanicsville road. Proceeding in that direction, it was discovered that a sharp engagement was then progressing upon the farm of Mrs. Vaughn, some six miles on the York River Railroad. The foe had appeared in much force in that locality, but were vigorously attacked, and after some eighty minutes of lively firing, both of artillery and musketry, the enemy fell back, and our forces resumed their original position at that point. The particular force engaged, and casualties, are not known.

Scarcely had this brisk attack ceased than loud detonations on the extreme left told that meeting forces, near Hanover Court House, had clashed in arms, and that the grand overture to the coming tragedy had begun with great vigor and will. So far distant from our lines (fifteen miles), and travel thither retarded by guards, and the lateness of the hour (2 p.m.), it was almost impossible to obtain information; yet from all that we can gather it would seem that a force had been dispatched there to dislodge the enemy from the railroad, and to re-open communication at least to Hanover Court House. A part of Longstreet’s division was said to have moved up and attacked in one direction, while Anderson’s and Branch’s commands, moving down upon the Court House, assailed the foe in another. The fire of ordnance was regular and rapid, incessant volleys of musketry being perfectly audible for miles. After an hour’s duration, the firing ceased; but was resumed again with increased fury between three and four o’clock, lasting without intermission, until sunset. It is known that we captured some prisoners in the fight (some fifty-odd), and the natural conjecture is that the enemy must have been defeated.

About nine o’clock last night, a train arrived by the Fredericksburg road, which brought down fifty-three prisoners, captured in the first engagement yesterday afternoon. These all belong to the 25th New York Regiment, four companies of which were detailed as skirmishers, and, before they were aware of the presence of our forces, they found themselves surrounded by the 28th North Carolina Regiment. A brisk skirmish ensued, resulting in the capture of the number above stated, and the complete discomfiture of the remainder of the detachment. The prisoners think that nearly all the others were either killed or wounded. These men state that little confidence is felt in the result of the anticipated general engagement by the rank and file of the Federal army. They acknowledge the superiority of our soldiers, and confess that in a land fight they have very little hope of success. They had heard of the splendid victory of General Jackson over Banks, which they represent to have had an exceedingly depressing effect upon the private soldiers. Our loss in this engagement was slight.

Later on the afternoon, commencing about 4 o’clock, a terrific fight took place near the same point, but of this we have no particulars.

That the great fight is approaching is incontrovertible; it is even said that Johnston crossed the swamp last night to precipitate a general engagement and bring his full force into play. Anderson, Branch, and the rest, at the Court House, must form a junction, or they are isolated and useless; but to effect this by a vigorous demonstration may possibly usher in the great historical battle so long expected.

by John Beauchamp Jones

MAY 29TH.—More troops are marching into the city, and Gen. Lee has them sent out in such manner and at such times as to elude the observations of even the spies.

May 29, 1862, The Charleston Mercury

This fine old Carolina corps is stationed at Grahamville, and, like the balance of the mounted troops on the coast, have their share of picket duty to do. In spite, however, of the regular routine of duty at the outposts, Capt. RUTLEDGE has somehow found time to bring his command to a high state of discipline and perfection as cavalry. To witness the ‘Dragoons’ go through the sword exercise, or make a charge, is to see at a glance the value and importance of this arm of the service, while their movements in line are steady (both men and horse) as the best infantry. We have so often alluded to the necesssity for a cavalry force, that nothing further need be said by us in favor of the horse and sabre; but we trust that all the spare time of our mounted troops will be spent in cutting at the head and ring, jumping bars, and charging with furious impetuosity. It will not be labor thrown away, for the time must come when the country will call loudly for a MURAT.

May 29, 1862, The New York Herald

The official report of the battle of Hanover Court House was received at the War Department from General McClellan yesterday, from which it appears that it was a pretty serious affair, resulting in a complete rout of the enemy. The rebel loss in killed and wounded is set down at one thousand, and our loss at three hundred and seventy-nine killed, wounded and missing, of whom fifty-three were killed. One hundred of the enemy’s dead were buried on the field by our men. Five hundred were taken prisoners, and more were coming in. The rebels in this action were mostly from Georgia and North Carolina.

There is no later news from General Banks’ column today.

Our news from General Halleck’s army today is important. His forces are within three-quarters of a mile of the rebel works at Corinth, and it was expected that he would open fire on them today. General Halleck is moving towards the works by regular approaches; and according to the statement of Assistant Secretary of War Scott, who has just returned from there, a grand battle may be expected within ten days. General Mansfield Lovell is reported to have reached Corinth from New Orleans with 7,000 men — raw recruits for the most part — and it is stated by deserters that the rebel troops are existing upon half rations, and are greatly reduced by sickness.

Despatches from Nashville to the 27th states that General Mitchel and General Negley had arrived there on that night. General Mitchel was the recipient of a serenade. He says that his position in Alabama is permanent, and reports everything quiet in Huntsville and the Union feeling increasing.

The Charleston papers of the 21st inst. state that four of our vessels had shelled three islands in the harbor on the day previous — namely, Coles, Kiawah and Goat Islands — and that the rebels had retired after burning their quarters. Coles Island is situated at a distance of between twelve and fifteen miles from the city of Charleston.

The announcement of the surrender of the cities of Natchez, Warrenton and Vicksburg comes to us from the rebel journals in those quarters. Our fleet, after accomplishing the capture of these three points, is said to be on its way to Memphis. We give today the full particulars of the occupation of these important points on the Mississippi, together with sketches of the cities which have thus fallen into the hands of the Union forces.

In addition to the capture of the cities in the Mississippi valley, we have information from the Savannah News that the city of Darien, the capital of McIntosh county, Georgia, on the banks of the Altamaha river, lying up from the sea about twelve miles, was bombarded recently by two “Yankee” steamers. Darien is located sixty miles southwest of Savannah and twenty miles north of Brunswick, which point our forces have occupied for some time.

The military furor which is elicited in this city on the departure of fresh troops for the national capital appears to greet the regiments on their route. The Seventh was received in Baltimore on its arrival there on Tuesday afternoon with immense enthusiasm. The Union flag was hoisted on the public buildings, and so far from any hostile feeling being manifested in that turbulent city, the troops were greeted with cheers from the men and waving of handkerchiefs of the women all through the streets. Colonel Lefferts received directions to remain in Baltimore until further orders, and the men were consequently put into quarters in the Union Bank, the officers locating themselves at the Eutaw House.

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  • War Diary of a Union Woman in the South (85)

• Administrivia

  • Privacy Policy

• Interesting History Related Blogs

  • American Heroes’ Memorial
  • Civil War Bookshelf
  • The Blog of Henry David Thoreau
  • Mason-Dixon Wild West

• Sites I check

  • CW Interative’s - This Week in the Blogs