by Horatio Nelson Taft

THURSDAY, JANUARY 31, 1861.

Mercury this morning 20 above zero, cold and pleasant all day. Interesting debates in Congress now. Chas Francis Adams took high conservative ground today in the “House.” There now seems to be a disposition in Congress to do Something. Attended the meeting of the “Raven Club” this evening at Prof Whitakers on 11th St. J. S. Willson delivered an address, The Ideas of the Ist & IIIrd Napoleon. Ended by paying a fine tribute to the Founders of our Govt and the Value of the Union. Mr Fuller of N.C. followed in a few very eloquent remarks. No particular news. Doct John C. Smith, 4th Pres Ch* called on me today at office.

* Presbyterian Church

January 31, 1861; The New York Herald

Our late cheering advices from Washington, indicating the seasonable cooperation of the President elect in some compromise arrangement in behalf of the Union, and the peace of the country, were too good, it appears, to be true. With the receipt of these advices at Springfield, the republican newspaper there accredited as the home organ of Mr. Lincoln, indignantly denies the soft impeachment as to his conservative inclinations. We are thus told that in Abraham Lincoln the country will have a republican President - one who will give them a republican President - one who will give them a republican administration, and that instead of being committed to the border State compromise or any other, “Mr. Lincoln stands immovably on the Chicago platform, and will neither acquiesce in, nor advise his friends to acquiesce in, any compromise that surrenders one iota of it.”

In confirmation of this unwelcome intelligence, our Springfield correspondent, in the same emphatic tone, assures us that Mr. Lincoln will adhere to the doctrine of the restriction of slavery upon which he was elected, he becomes convinced of its fallacy not by threats, treason and rebellion, but by his own sense of justice; and that will hold himself altogether aloof from attempts to intermeddle with the strife of congressional factions, and the troubles of the present administration, until he shall have assumed the reins of government. We are thus relieved of all doubt concerning the views and position of Mr. Lincoln on the subject of a Union saving compromise. He was elected on the Chicago platform, not by the democrats and their allies, but by their adversaries, the republicans and he will be a republican President. In the interval to his inauguration he will not interfere in the proceedings of Congress or of Mr. Buchanan’s administration; and when invested with the duties of the Presidency, if moved to a compromise at all, it will not be threats, treason and rebellion, but by his own sense of duty. On the other hand, we have been over and over again assured that the first duty and the first object of the incoming administration will be to enforce the laws and restore the authority and integrity of the general government, before stooping to compound with the traitors who have conspired to overthrow it.

In theory this line of policy is consistent and correct; but in practice we must deal with the stubborn facts which surround us. Let us look at these facts. Six States have withdrawn from the Union, and they stand before us today each in the attitude of an independent republican. During the present month, however, they will have organized themselves Read more

January 31, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

There is something base, on the part of the President, in keeping Major ANDERSON at Fort Sumter under the present circumstances. Knowing him to be a Southron and a slaveholder, he should be offered a furlough or leave of absence, and a substitute sent who is not a Southron. Leave all the DOUBLEDAYs - whether three score or one. The people of South Carolina have been measurably disarmed by their sympathy for Major ANDERSON, and President BUCHANAN knows it. Why was the former commandant at Fort Moultrie withdrawn, and ANDERSON put in his place, just at the beginning of our issues? Had the latter been as good a politician as a soldier, he would have declined the appointment, and then was his moment to resign. Now, it is a point of honor with him to remain, unless the Federal Government will show more magnanimity than is its character, and will voluntarily move to relieve him. Au contraire: the purpose is to disarm us, through him. But this cannot last. The result will be the sacrifice of a brave man, at the post of a supposed duty, whose government deliberately sacrifices him with the hope of some small temporary profit. Why not send General WOOL, who seems spoiling for a fight, and ought to be indulged, in consideration of his name, if nothing more. We should be more readily disposed to wool him than the brave Kentuckian whom they have selected for the sacrifice. Anyhow, we cannot well keep our hands off from wooling somebody shortly after the 4th of February. We cannot suffer a flag so hateful as that of the United States to wave in insolent defiance in the harbor of an independent State.

January 31, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

Our Richmond Correspondence.

RICHMOND, January 29. Richmond Waking Up - Speech of Judge Robertson - What Virginians think of South Carolina - Future Course of the Old Dominion - The Inevitable Botts - A Slow Legislature, etc., etc.

At last the darkness seems about to break here. The day is about to dawn. Last night an immense meeting of the citizens took place at the African Church, and the policy of taking Virginia out of the Union before the fourth of March was announced by every speaker, and received with deafening applause and cheers. Let me not forget to notice, too, that the very mention of South Carolina was met with shouts, and that the call of three cheers for her was responded to with a voice of thunder. The meeting was held to nominate candidates to represent the metropolis in the Convention to assemble on the 13th February, and the gentlemen selected by the assemblage are all out and out, open avowed secessionists. They are Captain GEORGE W. RANDOLPH, Mr. JOHN O. STEGER, and Judge JOHN ROBERTSON. In their responses to the nomination these gentlemen avowed their willingness to remain in the present Union, if every guarantee demanded by the South was yielded, and the Constitution so amended that it would embrace thorough protective provisions, placing it out of the power of the North to invade Southern rights. But both Captain RANDOLPH and Mr. STEGER — Judge ROBERTSON was with you — declared that they had not the least expectation of any such event. The adoption of any such policy, by the present legislators in Congress, or by a Convention — and that the conclusive remedy, the panacea for all our woes, was secession before the fourth of March, confederation with our Southern sisters, and armed defiance of the vulgar oppressor of the North. In addition to making these good and sound nominations, the meeting adopted a resolution calling on the Legislature to redeem its pledge, that no Southern State should be invaded — in view of the intelligence received that day, that Fort Monroe was being reinforced, and her guns, that should have pointed seaward, turned upon the town of Hampton, inward. This resolution passed unanimously with deafening applause, and a reference by one of the speakers to the timidity of the Legislature, and its utter failure to represent the feelings of the people, was greeted in the same unmistakable manner.

The time for talking has passed — the hour for action has arrived.

January 31, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

FROM WASHINGTON.

Treachery of the Administration.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

WASHINGTON, January 30 - 10:45 a.m. - The President has replied to the despatch of Senator MALLORY, of Florida. He says the Brooklyn has gone to Pensacola; that she will land provisions at Fort Pickens, and then lay off to assist the fort with troops, should an attack be made upon it.

There is intense anxiety this morning at the Executive mansion to hear from Fort Pickens. An immediate conflict is anticipated by all parties.

I have it from undoubted authority that the commander of the Brooklyn has been ordered to keep a strict watch on all the movements at the Pensacola Navy Yard, and in the neighborhood of Fort Pickens. In the event of his discovering the slightest preparations for an attack, or of an attack being made, his orders are instantly to land the artillery forces for the fort and bring his own guns to bear upon those who make the attack upon it.

The Constitution newspaper, now no longer supported by the Federal patronage, will collapse tomorrow.

The Editor, W. N. BROWNE, announces that he will shortly resume its publication somewhere in the great Southern Confederacy - probably at Montgomery, Alabama.

SECOND DESPATCH.

WASHINGTON, January 30, 9 p. m. - My despatch of yesterday to the MERCURY, stating that HAYNE had made the formal demand upon the President for the surrender of Fort Sumter, was correct in every particular. Read more

January 31, 1861, The New York Herald

WASHINGTON, Jan. 30, 1861.

Private advices from the South, received tonight, indicate that there will be a fight in less than thirty hours.

The President declared to a member of Congress yesterday that he had no doubt that Fort Sumter would be attacked in less than a week, when a fight would ensure and the war would commence. The congressman inquired why he did not reinforce Major Anderson? The president replied, that there were not vessels enough in the American navy to reach Fort Sumter. In the first place, they would have to enter in the day time, and move slowly in order to clear the old vessels, that have been sunk in the channel as barriers against any attempt of government vessels to enter the arbor. This fact, it is asserted, would cause their sure destruction by the outer lighthouse batteries on Morris Island, and before encountering the fire of the Morris light beacon batteries, and Point Cummin’s batteries, and the guns of fort Johnson on James Island, and Fort Moultrie on Sullivan’s Island, all of which they would have to suffer before reaching Fort Sumter. Besides, Major Anderson could afford no protection to a vessel against the outer batteries of Morris Island.

This is the opinion of the authorities having the power to send relief; but in justice to those who would have to execute the work and risk their lives before the fire of the secessionists, I am assured that the harbor of Charleston can be entered by light draft vessels of war, and Major Anderson can be reinforced. There are men in the American navy who believe that the business of firing cannon is a game that two can play at, and that as good a shot can be made from the deck of an American ship of war, as from Morris Island.

Letters are received from Fort Sumter as late as the 26th inst., stating that all the officers and men are well. While they would like some fresh meat for a change, they are a unit in feeling against succumbing to the terms of the authorities of Charleston to supply them either by courtesy or to let them have daily rations, which they can cut off at any moment. When the authorities will allow Major Anderson to contract for a quantity of supplies according to the usual practices, untrammelled by threats or any improper influence, he will do so, and not before. Unless he can do this the men prefer to confine themselves to the fare they now have, and of which they have ample supply.

Floating batteries, the superstructures of which are composed of cotton bales, are in course of erection, by which means in part the South Carolinians expect to attack Fort Sumter. The officer who writes from Fort Sumter, alluding to these Read more