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by Horatio Nelson Taft

THURSDAY, JANUARY 31, 1861.

Mercury this morning 20 above zero, cold and pleasant all day. Interesting debates in Congress now. Chas Francis Adams took high conservative ground today in the “House.” There now seems to be a disposition in Congress to do Something. Attended the meeting of the “Raven Club” this evening at Prof Whitakers on 11th St. J. S. Willson delivered an address, The Ideas of the Ist & IIIrd Napoleon. Ended by paying a fine tribute to the Founders of our Govt and the Value of the Union. Mr Fuller of N.C. followed in a few very eloquent remarks. No particular news. Doct John C. Smith, 4th Pres Ch* called on me today at office.

* Presbyterian Church

January 31, 1861; The New York Herald

Our late cheering advices from Washington, indicating the seasonable cooperation of the President elect in some compromise arrangement in behalf of the Union, and the peace of the country, were too good, it appears, to be true. With the receipt of these advices at Springfield, the republican newspaper there accredited as the home organ of Mr. Lincoln, indignantly denies the soft impeachment as to his conservative inclinations. We are thus told that in Abraham Lincoln the country will have a republican President - one who will give them a republican President - one who will give them a republican administration, and that instead of being committed to the border State compromise or any other, “Mr. Lincoln stands immovably on the Chicago platform, and will neither acquiesce in, nor advise his friends to acquiesce in, any compromise that surrenders one iota of it.”

In confirmation of this unwelcome intelligence, our Springfield correspondent, in the same emphatic tone, assures us that Mr. Lincoln will adhere to the doctrine of the restriction of slavery upon which he was elected, he becomes convinced of its fallacy not by threats, treason and rebellion, but by his own sense of justice; and that will hold himself altogether aloof from attempts to intermeddle with the strife of congressional factions, and the troubles of the present administration, until he shall have assumed the reins of government. We are thus relieved of all doubt concerning the views and position of Mr. Lincoln on the subject of a Union saving compromise. He was elected on the Chicago platform, not by the democrats and their allies, but by their adversaries, the republicans and he will be a republican President. In the interval to his inauguration he will not interfere in the proceedings of Congress or of Mr. Buchanan’s administration; and when invested with the duties of the Presidency, if moved to a compromise at all, it will not be threats, treason and rebellion, but by his own sense of duty. On the other hand, we have been over and over again assured that the first duty and the first object of the incoming administration will be to enforce the laws and restore the authority and integrity of the general government, before stooping to compound with the traitors who have conspired to overthrow it.

In theory this line of policy is consistent and correct; but in practice we must deal with the stubborn facts which surround us. Let us look at these facts. Six States have withdrawn from the Union, and they stand before us today each in the attitude of an independent republican. During the present month, however, they will have organized themselves Read more

January 31, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

There is something base, on the part of the President, in keeping Major ANDERSON at Fort Sumter under the present circumstances. Knowing him to be a Southron and a slaveholder, he should be offered a furlough or leave of absence, and a substitute sent who is not a Southron. Leave all the DOUBLEDAYs - whether three score or one. The people of South Carolina have been measurably disarmed by their sympathy for Major ANDERSON, and President BUCHANAN knows it. Why was the former commandant at Fort Moultrie withdrawn, and ANDERSON put in his place, just at the beginning of our issues? Had the latter been as good a politician as a soldier, he would have declined the appointment, and then was his moment to resign. Now, it is a point of honor with him to remain, unless the Federal Government will show more magnanimity than is its character, and will voluntarily move to relieve him. Au contraire: the purpose is to disarm us, through him. But this cannot last. The result will be the sacrifice of a brave man, at the post of a supposed duty, whose government deliberately sacrifices him with the hope of some small temporary profit. Why not send General WOOL, who seems spoiling for a fight, and ought to be indulged, in consideration of his name, if nothing more. We should be more readily disposed to wool him than the brave Kentuckian whom they have selected for the sacrifice. Anyhow, we cannot well keep our hands off from wooling somebody shortly after the 4th of February. We cannot suffer a flag so hateful as that of the United States to wave in insolent defiance in the harbor of an independent State.

January 31, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

Our Richmond Correspondence.

RICHMOND, January 29. Richmond Waking Up - Speech of Judge Robertson - What Virginians think of South Carolina - Future Course of the Old Dominion - The Inevitable Botts - A Slow Legislature, etc., etc.

At last the darkness seems about to break here. The day is about to dawn. Last night an immense meeting of the citizens took place at the African Church, and the policy of taking Virginia out of the Union before the fourth of March was announced by every speaker, and received with deafening applause and cheers. Let me not forget to notice, too, that the very mention of South Carolina was met with shouts, and that the call of three cheers for her was responded to with a voice of thunder. The meeting was held to nominate candidates to represent the metropolis in the Convention to assemble on the 13th February, and the gentlemen selected by the assemblage are all out and out, open avowed secessionists. They are Captain GEORGE W. RANDOLPH, Mr. JOHN O. STEGER, and Judge JOHN ROBERTSON. In their responses to the nomination these gentlemen avowed their willingness to remain in the present Union, if every guarantee demanded by the South was yielded, and the Constitution so amended that it would embrace thorough protective provisions, placing it out of the power of the North to invade Southern rights. But both Captain RANDOLPH and Mr. STEGER — Judge ROBERTSON was with you — declared that they had not the least expectation of any such event. The adoption of any such policy, by the present legislators in Congress, or by a Convention — and that the conclusive remedy, the panacea for all our woes, was secession before the fourth of March, confederation with our Southern sisters, and armed defiance of the vulgar oppressor of the North. In addition to making these good and sound nominations, the meeting adopted a resolution calling on the Legislature to redeem its pledge, that no Southern State should be invaded — in view of the intelligence received that day, that Fort Monroe was being reinforced, and her guns, that should have pointed seaward, turned upon the town of Hampton, inward. This resolution passed unanimously with deafening applause, and a reference by one of the speakers to the timidity of the Legislature, and its utter failure to represent the feelings of the people, was greeted in the same unmistakable manner.

The time for talking has passed — the hour for action has arrived.

January 31, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

FROM WASHINGTON.

Treachery of the Administration.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

WASHINGTON, January 30 - 10:45 a.m. - The President has replied to the despatch of Senator MALLORY, of Florida. He says the Brooklyn has gone to Pensacola; that she will land provisions at Fort Pickens, and then lay off to assist the fort with troops, should an attack be made upon it.

There is intense anxiety this morning at the Executive mansion to hear from Fort Pickens. An immediate conflict is anticipated by all parties.

I have it from undoubted authority that the commander of the Brooklyn has been ordered to keep a strict watch on all the movements at the Pensacola Navy Yard, and in the neighborhood of Fort Pickens. In the event of his discovering the slightest preparations for an attack, or of an attack being made, his orders are instantly to land the artillery forces for the fort and bring his own guns to bear upon those who make the attack upon it.

The Constitution newspaper, now no longer supported by the Federal patronage, will collapse tomorrow.

The Editor, W. N. BROWNE, announces that he will shortly resume its publication somewhere in the great Southern Confederacy - probably at Montgomery, Alabama.

SECOND DESPATCH.

WASHINGTON, January 30, 9 p. m. - My despatch of yesterday to the MERCURY, stating that HAYNE had made the formal demand upon the President for the surrender of Fort Sumter, was correct in every particular. Read more

January 31, 1861, The New York Herald

WASHINGTON, Jan. 30, 1861.

Private advices from the South, received tonight, indicate that there will be a fight in less than thirty hours.

The President declared to a member of Congress yesterday that he had no doubt that Fort Sumter would be attacked in less than a week, when a fight would ensure and the war would commence. The congressman inquired why he did not reinforce Major Anderson? The president replied, that there were not vessels enough in the American navy to reach Fort Sumter. In the first place, they would have to enter in the day time, and move slowly in order to clear the old vessels, that have been sunk in the channel as barriers against any attempt of government vessels to enter the arbor. This fact, it is asserted, would cause their sure destruction by the outer lighthouse batteries on Morris Island, and before encountering the fire of the Morris light beacon batteries, and Point Cummin’s batteries, and the guns of fort Johnson on James Island, and Fort Moultrie on Sullivan’s Island, all of which they would have to suffer before reaching Fort Sumter. Besides, Major Anderson could afford no protection to a vessel against the outer batteries of Morris Island.

This is the opinion of the authorities having the power to send relief; but in justice to those who would have to execute the work and risk their lives before the fire of the secessionists, I am assured that the harbor of Charleston can be entered by light draft vessels of war, and Major Anderson can be reinforced. There are men in the American navy who believe that the business of firing cannon is a game that two can play at, and that as good a shot can be made from the deck of an American ship of war, as from Morris Island.

Letters are received from Fort Sumter as late as the 26th inst., stating that all the officers and men are well. While they would like some fresh meat for a change, they are a unit in feeling against succumbing to the terms of the authorities of Charleston to supply them either by courtesy or to let them have daily rations, which they can cut off at any moment. When the authorities will allow Major Anderson to contract for a quantity of supplies according to the usual practices, untrammelled by threats or any improper influence, he will do so, and not before. Unless he can do this the men prefer to confine themselves to the fare they now have, and of which they have ample supply.

Floating batteries, the superstructures of which are composed of cotton bales, are in course of erection, by which means in part the South Carolinians expect to attack Fort Sumter. The officer who writes from Fort Sumter, alluding to these Read more

January 30, 1861, The New York Herald

The announcement of the peaceful mission of the steam sloop-of-war Brooklyn to Florida is confirmed by late advices from Washington. The provisions on board the Brooklyn are to be delivered at Fort Pickens, but she is not to enter the harbor of Pensacola, nor to land troops at the fort, unless the fort should be attacked. Her commander is ordered to act strictly on the defensive, and to give no pretext of hostilities.

Companies D and K of the artillery went forward yesterday from Governor’s Island to Washington city. They numbered 112 men.

The first duel which has resulted from the present political complications took place yesterday morning, on the Pennsylvania border, between Dr. Jones, a partisan of Senator Douglass and Mr. Wilson, a Breckinridge democrat, both residents of Washington. Wilson was wounded in the hip. The constabulary are said to be in pursuit of the parties.

The radical abolitionists yesterday exhibited another example of the reaction on the slavery question that is going on at the North. These incendiaries arranged for a Convention at Syracuse, a place where they have had the largest liberty for years past. But the citizens, determined to tolerate them no longer, assembled at the hall, organized a meeting, and compelled the abolitionists to beat a retreat.

January 30, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

The Government of the United States insists on holding Fort Sumter as property. They pretend to think that this is by no means a hostile attitude against South Carolina. They do not hold it was a military instrumentality by which the waters of our bay and the commerce of our city are controlled. It is true that we have offered to take it, and pay for it, as property. But they will not let us have it; and keep it — a threat, an insult, and an instrument of coercion by the power of the cannon. Fort Sumter is property, like every other fortress in the world; but was it ever heard of that a power can have a right to hold on to a fortress within the jurisdiction of another power, simply because it is property? A fortress is not like a cotton factory, or a pottery, harmless in nature, and incapable of assailing or injuring the people of a country. It is an instrument of war; and when kept possession of by one nation with an armed soldiery, in defiance of the will of another nation, that possession itself is a declaration of hostility. Cannon are property. Suppose a river divides two nations, as is the case for thousands of miles in Europe, and one nation plants cannon on one side of the river, opposite to a city on the other side of the river — would it not be considered a measure of war? The cannon and soil are property, belonging to the people on the side of the river opposite to the city, but when made a fortress, commanding the city, it is more than property. It is an instrument of force, and means war. This is the position taken by writers on the laws of nations. In what does such a case differ from the present state of things in the bay of Charleston? A fortress, belonging to us, in common with other States, is erected in the bay of Charleston, to protect the city. South Carolina withdraws from the Union with her co-States in the Confederacy of the United States. The Government of the United States, instead of surrendering this fortress to the authorities of the State, persists in holding it, for no purpose which can be conceived of, except to assail and coerce the State. As property, it is valueless to them for any other purpose. As property, the State has offered to pay for it. What, then, is its continued possession, but an insult — an act of hostility? Is it not like the cannon planted on the opposite side of the river? If Fort Sumter was not built, and the Government of the United States owned the land on which it stands — would it be now tolerated, that it should send troops and laborers, and erect the fort on this land? Would any publicist or jurist doubt that we would be justified in preventing the erection of the fort? and if this position is correct, how can it be doubted that we have a right to take Fort Sumter now that it is built or to destroy it if we can? What is a right in matters affecting the security of a State, implies a duty to enforce it.

January 29, 1861, The New York Herald

It is now stated that the mission of the war steamer Brooklyn to Pensacola is one of peace. She has been sent out to intercept vessels of the Gulf squadron that have been ordered to Pensacola to prevent them from going there, and thus obviate difficulty and perhaps bloodshed.

January 29, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

In rainy weather we have frequent complaints that the MERCURY is received in a mutilated condition. This is owing to the fact that so few residences are provided with boxes to receive the paper and protect it from the weather. The carriers have to thrown it into piazzas, gardens, cellars and other exposed places, and as the paper is thus rendered unfit for reading, we are called upon for extra copies.

We would suggest to all or subscribers to provide boxes, which will be found useful even in dry weather, particularly if locks are attached.

January 29, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

Major William H. Chase, formerly of the United States Corps of Engineers, is the leader of the State troops at Pensacola, Florida. He was formerly a resident of Massachusetts, and received the appointment of cadet from that State to the Military Academy at West Point, where he graduated March 3, 1815. He was appointed brevet second lieutenant in the Corps of Engineers in the same month, and promoted to full lieutenancy April 15, 1818. His subsequent promotions to first lieutenancy, captain, and major, date respectively March 31, 1819, January 1, 1825, and July 7, 1838. In 1844 he was a member of the Special Board of Engineers for examination of Florida reefs, &c., on the Gulf frontier of Texas and Mississippi. He was a member of the Board of Engineers from March 13, 1848, to September, 1848. He resigned his position in the Federal army October 31, 1856. Major Chase is a man of indomitable perseverance and courage, and ranks high as a military engineer and strategist. He is about sixty four years of age, and possesses a large private fortune.

January 29, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

The Legislature last night again altered the design of the State flag. It now consists of a blue field, with a white palmetto tree in the middle, upright. The white crescent in the upper flag staff corner remains as before, the horns pointing upward. This may be regarded as final.

by Horatio Nelson Taft

TUESDAY 29

There are indications today that the Republicans are “coming down” from the Chicago Platform and that something like the Crittenden proposition will be accepted by them. Secession seems to be now a fixed fact and we have to look Disunion in the face, while a subversion of the Government is threatened. This City is still considered in danger. There is a thousand U.S. Soldiers now quartered here. An armed guard now tramps through the Halls of the Patent Office every night and the other Public Buildings are guarded in the same way. Warm & pleasant today.

January 29, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

An officer in the army or navy of the United States is a citizen of a State, appointed by the general agent of all the States (the Government of the United States) to an office, to assist in carrying on this agency. He is not a citizen of the agency. He is a citizen of one of the sovereign parties to the agency, having all the privileges of citizens of the other parties, by an express proviso in their agreement — the Constitution of the United States — which stipulates that citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States; and when he takes an office, civil or military, in the service of the Government of the United States, he does not in the slightest degree alter his relation towards his own State. He is still the citizen of a State — nothing more and nothing else — by her permission and agreement, in the employment of her joint and common agency — the Government of the United States. When, therefore, the State to which an officer belongs, withdraws from the Union established by the Constitution of the United States, and thus puts an end to the agency of the Government of the United States so far as she is concerned, what course should a citizen of a State, in the employment of the Government of the United States, pursue? Most assuredly he should leave the employment of the Government of the United States, unless he intends to expatriate himself. If he does not leave the employment of this Government, he will be like a citizen who emigrates to France and enlists in her army or navy. He is no longer a citizen of the State to which he once belonged. He is in the pay and employment of a Government agency to which his native State is not a party. He chooses to transfer his citizenship and allegiance to another power. Whether such a course shall be morally right or honorable, will depend upon the relations which shall exist between his State and her late associates in a common Union and Government after their connection shall be dissolved. If relations of peace and amity continued to exist, there is no obligation of duty which will forbid him to change his country and allegiance. If he thinks that his personal interests require the change, let him do it. But if, on the contrary, on the dissolution of the connection between his State and her late associate in a common Government, these associates attempt to use the agency of the Government, of which he is an officer, to invade his State and to overthrow her liberties and independence — what course ought he then to pursue? Most clearly every dictate of social duty, gratitude, or of honor will require him to leave the employment of the Government which is to be used against his native State, and to go to her aid and assistance. He became an officer in this Government only because he was a citizen of his State. It was her patronage and her power which gave him his office. To hold on to it, and to use it, at the bidding and in the employment of a Government which she has cast off, to invade or oppress her, is an act of hideous moral delinquency, ingratitude, dishonor and treachery — a crime striking at the root of society itself. In a time of peril no man should desert his country; but not only to desert her, but to join her enemies to subdue or destroy her, is a crime of so deep a dye that history in all ages has marked it as amongst the most flagrant in its infamy, degradation and wickedness.

edited by G.W. Cable

Jan. 28, Monday.—Sunday has now got to be a day of special excitement. The gentlemen save all the sensational papers to regale us with at the late Sunday breakfast. Rob opened the battle yesterday morning by saying to me in his most aggressive manner, “G., I believe these are your sentiments”; and then he read aloud an article from the “Journal des Debats” expressing in rather contemptuous terms the fact that France will follow the policy of non-intervention. When I answered: “Well, what do you expect? This is not their quarrel,” he raved at me, ending by a declaration that he would willingly pay my passage to foreign parts if I would like to go. “Rob,” said his father, “keep cool; don’t let that threat excite you. Cotton is king. Just wait till they feel the pinch a little; their tone will change.” I went to Trinity Church. Some Union people who are not Episcopalians go there now because the pastor has not so much chance to rail at the Lord when things are not going to suit: but yesterday was a marked Sunday. The usual prayer for the President and Congress was changed to the “governor and people of this commonwealth and their representatives in convention assembled.”

The city was very lively and noisy this evening with rockets and lights in honor of secession. Mrs. F., in common with the neighbors, illuminated. We walked out to see the houses of others gleaming amid the dark shrubbery like a fairy scene. The perfect stillness added to the effect, while the moon rose slowly with calm splendor. We hastened home to dress for a soirée, but on the stairs Edith said, “G., first come and help me dress Phoebe and Chloe [the negro servants]. There is a ball to-night in aristocratic colored society. This is Chloe’s first introduction to New Orleans circles, and Henry Judson, Phoebe’s husband, gave five dollars for a ticket for her.” Chloe is a recent purchase from Georgia. We superintended their very stylish toilets, and Edith said, “G., run into your room, please, and write a pass for Henry. Put Mr. D.’s name to it.” “Why, Henry is free,” I said.—”That makes no difference; all colored people must have a pass if out late. They choose a master for protection and always carry his pass. Henry chose Mr. D., but he’s lost the pass he had.” When the pass was ready, a carriage dashed up to the back-gate and the party drove off in fine style.

At the soirée we had secession talk sandwiched everywhere; between the supper, and the music, and the dance; but midnight has come, and silence, and a few too brief hours of oblivion.

by Horatio Nelson Taft

MONDAY, JANUARY 28, 1861.

It has thawed only in the sun today but it has been bright and pleasant overhead. The day has passed without any startling news. The committee in Congress resolved to investigate the conspiracy said to exist to seize the City, or at least as far as Govt officials are concerned. Some persons in our office are said to be implicated. Many officials from States that have “seceded” are employed in all the Depts. I was at the “National” this evening. The Hotels and the Streets on the Ave. seem quite crowded at present. A collision at Pensacola (or Fort Pickens) is now expected daily. No Blood has yet been shed.

January 28, 1861, The New York Herald

From Washington we learn that the city was very quiet yesterday. Despatches from Charleston received there state that much excitement existed in regard to the departure of the Brooklyn from Norfolk with troops.

As soon as it became known that the Brooklyn and other vessels had been ordered South, despatches were sent to Charleston and Pensacola informing the authorities at those places that these vessels had reinforcements for the Southern forts and to be on the look out. The destination of the Brooklyn is said to be Pensacola, where she may be expected to arrive the latter part of this week. It was stated in Washington that late Saturday evening a despatch was sent to Major Chase, in command of the State troops at Pensacola, advising him to seize Fort Pickens without delay. Should this officer see proper to follow this advice a collision between the State and federal authorities is almost inevitable.

The Louisiana Convention on Saturday passed the ordinance declaring that State a free and sovereign republic by a vote of 113 yeas to 17 nays. A resolution declaring the right of free navigation of the Mississippi river and tributaries to all friendly States was passed, and the Convention adjourned to meet in New Orleans on the 29th inst. The resolution to submit the ordinance to a vote of the people was defeated.

From Springfield we learn that Mr. Lincoln will start for Washington on the 14th of February, and will proceed by the way of Indianapolis, Cleveland, Buffalo, Albany, Harrisburg and Baltimore to the federal capital.

January 28, 1861, The New York Herald

We are glad to see by the message of Governor Pettus, of Mississippi, and the proceedings of the Louisiana Convention, that the people of those States have no idea of following the suicidal example of South Carolina, and ruining their own commerce in order to carry out their extreme political notions. The subject of the navigation of the Mississippi is one of the great practical importance, perhaps the greatest among all the complications involved in the problem of disunion. Five and twenty years ago, before the whistle of the locomotive - the herald of progress and civilization - had been heard west of the Alleghanies or south of Baltimore, the act of shutting up the lower Mississippi to Northern trade would have ruined the great West. Now, however, the farmers and producers of Ohio, Illinois, Indian, Iowa, Michigan and Wisconsin have other markets, and the south depends upon them, not they upon the South. If Louisiana and Mississippi agreed to throw obstacles in the way of the free navigation of the Father of Rivers, they would cut their own throats; and they know it as well as we do. Latterly there has been a great excitement all over the North and West in consequence of the fact that the State authorities of Mississippi had caused the erection of batteries near Vicksburg, and that steamboats passing down the river were fired upon in case they did not stop at that point. There was a good deal of fierce talk on both sides, and some Western Governors drew ensanguined pictures of possible difficulties to take place among the canebrakes and woodyards of the Mississippi. It appears however, that these batteries were temporary affairs, built to prevent the reinforcement of the forts at points below Vicksburg, more especially those at New Orleans. The Louisiana Convention made haste to declare that the navigation of the river should be free to all States and Powers. The Governor of Mississippi recommends that the prompt and efficient measures be adopted to make known to the people of the Northwestern States that peaceful commerce on the Mississippi river will neither be interrupted nor annoyed by the people of Mississippi. We agree with the Governor in the statement that will preserve peace between the South and the Northwest, if it can be preserved. Further than that, we believe that civil war, if it comes at all, will not break out in that quarter. The war policy of the new administration would undoubtedly be the starvation of the South, by blocking up its ports and destroying its commerce. Accordingly to present appearances, the Charleston and Mobile people having saved the republicans the trouble of shutting out their foreign and coasting trade, and the Orleanois seeming almost as crazy as their friends on the seaboard, there will be no necessity for coercion in that shape. However that may be, we regard the course of Louisiana and Mississippi upon the matter of the river navigation as being not only very important in a commercial point of view, but likewise a very cheering sign that our political affairs are not in such a bad way as to be altogether hopeless. Let Chicago rejoice and Wall street be comforted. Trade, calm health of nations, will still flow unrestricted from the Falls of St. Anthony to the Delta of the Mississippi.

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

On Saturday last both Houses of the General Assembly finally concurred in the design of the flag which is hereafter to represent the Sovereign State of South Carolina. The field is dark blue. Upon the upper inner corner of the flag is the crescent, in white, the horns pointing upward. In the middle of the flag is an oval, in white, emblazoned with a golden palmetto, upright. The cut we present will give an idea of the proportions of the new ensign.

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

ST. AUGUSTINE, Fla., January 19, 1861. The Facts of the Seizure of the Florida Forts.

In your paper of the 7th instant (which I have just seen) appears, in a letter to Messrs. W.M. LAWTON & Co., from their Fernandina correspondent, the following: “A order came from the Governor this afternoon, and the Everglade will leave here at midnight for St. Augustine, to have the forts there taken and bring us some guns, etc. We have since learned that the detachment of Fernandina Volunteers has executed promptly the wise order of Governor PERRY.” For the credit of the Ancient City, I beg you will allow me to correct this statement. Governor PERRY, on the 4th instant, appointed Mr. GEORGE C. GRASS, of this place, an aid de Camp, with orders to proceed to St. Augustine, seize the forts, arsenal, etc., and, if necessary, to call to his assistance such additional aid as might be necessary. On the 7th instant, this order was promptly executed by St. Augustine troops alone, and the Fernandina Volunteers had no more to do with it than they had with the capture of Fort Moultrie, in Charleston. Marion, which is the only fort at this place, is (as also the arsenal), in possession of the State, and is garrisoned by Capt. J. L. PHILLIP’s Light Infantry, and by Capt. G. C. GIBBS’ Artillery Company. The latter is occupied in mounting 32 pounders and 8 inch howitzers. An unarmed detachment of Fernandina volunteers reached here per Everglade on Sunday, 6th inst., with an order for guns, &c., and after getting them on board, went to sea again on the 12th. This alone was the object of their visit. They were not even present when Major GIBBS demanded and received possession, nor were their services required, though had they been, they would have been promptly rendered. As there was no garrison to overcome, aid was not asked for. On the 12th inst., intelligence of the secession of this State was received here. A beautiful flag, the work of the ladies of St. Augustine, was hoisted, and salutes fired by detachments from the Jacksonville Infantry, Capt. STEELE (here for arms), the St. Augustine Blues, Capt. PHILLIPS, and the Marion Artillery, Capt. GIBBS, while all the church bells rang a joyful peal. Under Spanish and under English rule, this old Fort has taken many a hard knock and may take many more; but never yet has its colors been lowered to an enemy, and please God they never will be.

C.

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

Certain phlegmatic of the South, to call them by the tenderest name, have had a great deal to say about the rashness and hot haste of South Carolina in seceding from the Confederacy. But this is the language of cowardice borrowing the speech of impudence. South Carolina would not consult her sisters, as if her beautiful and indignant sisters did not refuse her appeal for consultation. They would neither act for themselves nor counsel with her. Such was the language and decision of the politicians, at least. We have great hopes that the people of these sister States will soon speak a different language. But South Carolina gave long notice before hand, that, with the election of LINCOLN, she had resolved on secession. Why did they not counsel with her when she declared that resolution? But we have some faint recollection that this sentiment, which looked to secession as the only remedy, was entertained and declared by some of these very politicians. It was understood among all of them that LINCOLN’s election would endanger the Confederacy — so well understood that the New York merchants, who well knew what the danger was, devoted themselves to the one effort of defeating LINCOLN. Did these phlegmatics of the South feel less upon the subject than the New York merchants? One thing is certain — if, as our timid friends augur, this revolution shall turn out to be a bloody one, at least all the bloodshed will be on the hands of those tardy phlegmatics, who refused to counsel with South Carolina — who would do nothing themselves, and threw cold water on the zeal of those who strove to do. They had their warning — they should not be taken by surprise. The non-performance, in a time of national crisis, which shelters itself under the cloak of its dignity, is at once impudence and cowardice.

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

No Federal troops shall ever enter Virginia to operate against the South! Such was the solemn declaration of FLOYD, of Virginia, long ago. Yet we see that, contemplating the use of Federal troops against the South, the fortresses of Virginia are reinforced. Very beautiful, this! The Government of the United States, which left Harpers Ferry to the tender mercies of JOHN BROWN, arms it against Virginia herself. These fortresses, thus reinforced are to be yielded, in March, to ABRAHAM LINCOLN. How many JOHN BROWNs are to be sheltered in Virginia, under the protection of United States troops, is a question in political arithmetic, which our sister State must answer for herself. There was a time, however, when Virginia could snuff tyranny in the breeze. Does she not see it in these bayonets of the Federal Government?

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

(From the Washington Correspondent of the Baltimore Exchange.)

I have been permitted to peruse a very interesting letter from Lieutenant DOUBLEDAY, of Fort Sumter, received last night, in which he says:

“While the leaders are becoming more pacific the mob is becoming more outrageous and ungovernable. I hear they are loud in threats about me. They say there may be some excuse for other officers, as they are supposed to be Southern men performing a duty disagreeable to them, but I am an open Republican and enemy. Some influential Southern men have written to Governor Pickens that this refusal to allow us to hold any communication with the city, and his interference with our mails, has made South Carolina enemies in many Southern States, and he has been urged to relax his severity. We have been living on our rations and a few vegetables laid in for Capt. Foster’s workmen, who went away; and yet the MERCURY has the impudence to say we are fed by them. We have received no supplies of any kind from Charleston, with the single trifling exception of a box of candles smuggled in. If Major Anderson is allowed the privilege of contracting for fresh meats, as is done everywhere in the army, he will exercise it, but if it is proposed as a present for South Carolina, he will not receive it. The country people who never saw a gun or a fort, who have no education, and own little property, are raving mad to attack us.

“We may be too incredulous, but feel no apprehension, and don’t believe the fort can be taken. Day before yesterday the Carolinians landed two or three mortars on Cummings Point, on the nearest point of land for attacking the fort. There is not a particle of truth in the story of a mutiny. It was started in Charleston to induce the Government to surrender this place. There has been no prisoners in the guard house for a long time. The men are behaving admirably, are in good spirits, full of fun, and spoiling for a fight. As for surrendering, under any circumstances, they never dreamed of it. You need pay no attention to any thing you see in the Charleston papers in reference to our affairs. If you reflect that when a boat comes with a white flag from Charleston, that none of our men are allowed to communicate with it, you will readily see that all their stories about us are mere inventions. The men bear their privations and severe guard duty very cheerfully. They miss their tobacco more than any thing else.

“P.S. - Two steamboats were on the watch over us all night, one in the direction of the bar and the other towards Charleston.”

 This is the substance of the letter which is dated the evening of the 20th. It gives a closer insight into matter concerning which there have been many contradictory statements.

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

Reception of the News.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

BATON ROUGE, January 26. - The Committee reported the Ordinance of Immediate Secession this morning. At ten minutes past one othe vote upon its adoption was taken, and amid the greatest excitement, the result was announced as follows: Yeas, 113, nays, 17. The Ordinance will be signed by all the Delegates.

There is intense joy and enthusiasm among the people here. The Pelican flag has been unfurled, and the military are firing salutes.

THE NEWS IN NEW ORLEANS.

NEW ORLEANS, January 26. When the fact that the State was out of the Union became known here the Washington Artillery fired a salute of a hundred guns. Salutes were also fired in Jackson Square, Annunciation Square, and the Place d’Armes. The Pelican banner was flung to the breeze from prominent points, and the demonstrations of public joy were general.

January 28, 1861, The Charleston Mercury

This spirited and efficient company, having been relieved from the post at Fort Moultrie, which they have occupied since the 27th December, were received at the landing by the detachment of the company in the city. The entire company, numbering one hundred and twenty two strong, marched to their gun shed, preceded by the Palmetto Band. Their excellent and soldierly appearance elicited the encomiums of all who saw them, and gave assurance of the advantages derived by constant drilling. Having replaced their arms, they marched to the Masonic Hall, where a repast was prepared by the home delegation.

Private COHN, of the home delegation, in behalf of others, in very feeling and appropriate remarks, welcomed the corps, and congratulated them on their return in the enjoyment of excellent health and good spirits. He alluded in handsome terms to the promptness and cheerfulness with which hey obeyed the call of their State, and the many evidences they had given of their ability to render efficient service. He congratulated the Captain in having under his command such a fine body of men, ready at all times to obey the call of duty; and paid a feeling tribute to the heroic qualities of their commander. In conclusion, he desired the corps to partake of the repast prepared for them.

Capt. WALTER, in a very neat and feeling manner, responded in behalf of his command, expressing the pleasure it afforded him to acknowledge their obedience and their readiness to maintain the honor of their State at all hazards.

The order to be seated was obeyed as willingly as the order to man the guns when the Star of the West made her appearance in the offing. Ample justice was done to the ammunition prepared for this occasion, and many capital speeches were made. The occasion was, indeed, one of enjoyment and conviviality.

Capt. WALTER also read the orders that a detachment of thirty men be detailed to take charge of the battery at the extreme end of the Island, having command of Maffit’s Channel. This announcement was received with vociferous Read more

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